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... F unctional Foods: E ating to He al Functional Foods: Eating to Heal K e ls e y M is s e l W hy do you eat? You eat because you are hungry, or perhaps because you are bored. You eat because it brings you enjoyment or comfort. You eat because food is essential to life. But what if you could eat to heal your body? This is a question that many who struggle with chronic illness find themselves asking their physician as they search for alternative ways to control their health and symptoms. One such chronic illness is rheumatoid arthritis. Rheumatoid arthritis, or RA, does not discriminate and attacks men, women, and children at any age. It is a debilitating autoimmune disease that affects a persons joints and causes pain, swelling and joint destruction, eventually leading to loss of function. There is currently no cure for RA and results with disease modifying medications are less than satisfactory. In fact, recent studies show that 75% of people with RA are unhappy with their current treatment plan and continue to experience symptoms (Levine). It is no wonder then why people are desperate to find alternative methods to alleviate their discomfort. I understand first-hand the disparity of endless doctors appointments and placebo like medications and treatments. Two years ago, I was diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis. Recently, in an attempt to find added relief, I began to experiment with dietary manipulations. I began to limit my intake of animal products and followed a strictly gluten free diet. By no means were these changes a miracle solution, but after a 24 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 few months I noticed I was having decreased pain and stiffness in my joints. My almost constant brain fog was dissipating, my face looked less swollen, and I even began to lose weight without adjusting my caloric intake. This has led me to wonder what the potential benefits of a diet free from inflammatory foods, such as red meat and gluten, are for people with rheumatoid arthritis. Is it possible that dietary manipulations could help those with chronic illnesses find added relief from their symptoms? Limited success with medications and the harsh side effects that accompany these treatments has led to increasing frustration and desperation for RA patients. In a recent study, Dr. Humeira Badsha, a Consultant Rheumatologist at Dr. Humeira Badsha Medical Center, emphasizes that, ... RA remission rates are low. Approximately 50% of patients experimented with unorthodox treatments and diet...in an attempt to gain better disease control (19). Similarly, Sara K. Tedeschi and her team of researchers at Brigham and Womens Hospital in Boston, MA remarks that, patient interest in the effect of diet on RA has been noted for decades (1920). The observation of these researchers is supportive evidence that despite disease modifying medications, people are still seeking ways to manage their symptoms more effectively. As the interest in alternative treatments through diet manipulation has risen, researchers have begun to investigate the benefits, and lim- F unctional Foods: E ating to He al itations, of diet in RA patients. Ingild Hafstrm and his team of leading researchers and physician at Huddinge University Hospital in Stockholm, Sweden, sought to illuminate the effects of dietary manipulation on patients with RA. Their study utilized multiple markers for improvement of symptoms. These included standardized criteria developed by the American College of Rheumatology known as ACR20 which is used to measure physical changes. They also measured the results based on lab and radiographic changes. After nine months of a strict vegan and gluten free diet, in conjunction with their previously prescribed medications, 40.9% of the experimental group experienced improvements based on the ACR20 criteria, compared to only 4% of the control group. These included improvements of tender and swollen joints, in patient and/or physician assessment, reduced occurrence of acute pain, and greater ability to perform daily activities. The experimental group also noted decreases in C-reactive protein levels, which indicates lower levels of inflammation. The impact of similar manipulations is seen in the aforementioned study by Sara K. Tedeschi and her team, who classified the effects of 20 inflammatory and anti-inflammatory foods on a panel of 217 RA patients. The results determined that nearly one-quarter of RA subjects with longstanding disease reported that diet had an effect on their RA symptoms (Tedeschi et al., 1920), demonstrating that a significant percentage of the participants did indeed find benefits from dietary manipulations. Their physical symptoms, such as pain, swelling and fatigue, improved with the consumption of anti- inflammatory foods such as blueberries and fish and worsened with inflammatory foods such as those containing sugar and wheat products. These studies support the correlation between diet and RA symptoms. By implementing a diet free from inflammatory foods whilst continuing their usual medications, roughly half of the participants in each study experienced a reduction in not only physical symptoms, but also in laboratory indictors of disease such as CRP levels. This is promising news for patients seeking better disease control by means of dietary manipulation. Beyond the impact of the foods themselves, the idea of the connection between a patients gastrointestinal microbiome and their health has resulted in a secondary area of interest in many of these studies. It is widely accepted in the medical field that gastrointestinal health directly correlates with a persons overall health. In her recent study, Dr. Humeira Badsha discussed the theory that GI microbiome and RA are believed to be connected. She further explained that, dietary changes can impact the human intestinal microbiome leading to local inflammation and increased permeability (Badsha, 20). She believes that GI microbiome manipulation, as a result of dietary modification, does change the disease progression and symptoms in RA patients. Or in other words, a healthier gut generally results in a decrease in symptoms. Badshas observation that the GI microbiome and RA is related is well supported by others. During their study on dietary manipulations Luis Vitetta and his colleagues, professors and researchers at several prestigious medical institutions in Australia, also observed that RA is associated with an increased prevalence of gastrointestinal tract symptoms (1). They revealed that the GI microbiome in RA patients differs from that of healthy control patients. In fact, many similarities are seen between the GI health of patients with Celiac, an autoimmune gluten intolerance, and RA patients. As bacteria travels through the intestines, those with more penetrable GI tracts, such as people with RA, experiINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 25 F unctional Foods: E ating to He al ence an inflammatory immune response as toxins escape the intestinal barrier. These studies propose that by healing the gut and decreasing permeability through dietary manipulations patients can strengthen their intestinal barrier thus reducing the amount of inflammation circulating in the body. Although there is promising evidence that diet manipulation provides benefits for people with RA, there are limitations to these benefits and a need for additional, high quality studies. The majority of the studies I encountered in my research had one recurring similarity; Young, newly diagnosed participants were not included in the studies. For example, in the study conducted by Hafstrm the majority of the participants disease duration was 5-6 years and the median age was roughly 50 years old. These factors limit the implications of the results as there is no data provided on the effects of diet manipulation on young, recently diagnosed patients. This study was also limited by its small sample size and the fact that many of the participants did not complete the study. Similarly, in the study conducted by Tedeschi and her team their participant group had a median age of 58 and a median disease duration of 17 years. This is particularly unfortunate because their research revealed that the youngest of the participants reported that foods effected their symptoms more frequently than with the older participants. Could this mean that the biology of a younger patient is more receptive to the dietary manipulations? These studies also make it clear that research into dietary manipulations on symptoms of RA lack a standardized way of quantifying symptoms. While Hafstrms study utilized the most rigorous and scientific method of classifying the benefits of diet on symptoms, others such as Tedeschis study relied on mail-in surveys with no way to verify the results. One of the most insightful com26 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 ments on the limitations of current studies is expressed by Dr. Humeira Badsha who references the difficulty in designing and implementing them because it requires patients to alter their lifestyle. This leads to low participation and compliance and high study dropout rates. This was demonstrated in Hafstrms study where 30% of the participants dropped out of the study before its conclusion. This reveals that for many, a long-term commitment to these diets is too difficult and may be part of the reason they do not experience the full benefits of dietary change. Another observation is that although these studies were conducted years apart, there is little improvement in the understanding of the disease or treatments noted within the studies. While additional disease modifying medications have been introduced, patients in the study conducted by Hafstrm nearly 20 years ago were medically managed similarly to the patients in Tedeschis study from only 4 years ago. Management with corticosteroids and disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs remains the treatment of choice. This demonstrates that options for patients with RA are limited and arguably outdated. Due to the difficulty in effectively managing the disease it is no wonder that physicians utilize a trial-and-error method for the treatment of RA. If one medication does not yield results a patient is simply switched to the next medication. This seems like an antiquated method of care. With growing knowledge of diet and its effect on bodily systems, it is disappointing that more attention has not been given to the potential benefits of dietary manipulations on RA. RA is a harsh disease that causes social, emotional, and physical changes to those it affects including painful and tender joints, fatigue, and loss of daily function. If dietary manipulation could successfully result in the reduction of these symptoms, F unctional Foods: E ating to He al it could be lifechanging for the roughly 20 million people worldwide who are affected by the disease (Cowen). Certainly, these studies have demonstrated that there is promising evidence for the effects of diet on RA symptoms, but the clinical trials performed have limitations. Physicians lack evidence-based research on dietary manip- ulations leaving patients to experiment with alterations on their own. Medications will continue to be the primary choice for RA patients, but one can only hope that with a commitment to additional research dietary manipulations could become a viable option for patients when medications alone do not provide satisfactory relief. WORKS CITED Badsha, Humeira. Role of Diet in Influencing Rheumatoid Arthritis Disease Activity. The Open Rheumatology Journal, vol. 12, 8 Feb. 2018, pp. 19-28. Cowen, Laura. Global RA Burden Significant, Yet Under-Recognized. MedicineMatters. 17 Sept. 2019. Levine, Beth. Most People With Rheumatoid Arthritis Are Not Happy With Treatment. Everyday Health, Everyday Health Inc., 17 Sept. 2019. Hafstrm, I, et al. A Vegan Diet Free of Gluten Improves the Signs and Symptoms of Rheumatoid Arthritis: the Effects on Arthritis Correlate with a Reduction in Antibodies to Food Antigens. Rheumatology, vol. 40, no. 10, October 2001, pp. 11751179. Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/rheumatology/40.10.1175. Tedeschi, Sara K., et al. Diet and Rheumatoid Arthritis Symptoms: Survey Results from a Rheumatoid Arthritis Registry. Arthritis Care and Research, vol. 69, no. 12, 19 Feb. 2017, pp 1920-1925. Vitetta, Luis, et al. Dietary recommendations for patients with rheumatoid arthritis: a review. Nutrition and Dietary Supplements, vol. 2012, no. 4, June 2012, pp. 1-15. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 27  ...

... A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y A Matter of Birth and Death: Racial Inequities in Maternal Mortality A m e lia H a m m e r H ave you ever heard a loved one announce that theyre expecting a baby? How did you feel? Were you excited about the new addition, or were you terrified for their survival? Did you have to pray that you were only going to have to plan a baby shower and not a funeral? In my personal experience, pregnancy has always been filled with joy, excitement, maybe a little bit of uncertainty, but never fear. This likely is primarily because Im white. When I first read that statistically, Black women are three to four times more likely to die during, or as a complication of pregnancy and childbirth than white women, I was astounded and horrified. As someone studying to be a labor and delivery nurse, I immediately set my sights toward finding solutions. I quickly realized that this is an extremely multifaceted issue, and the roots of the problem have to be understood before remedies can be discussed. This ultimately led me to ask myself: how has Americas history of institutional racism influenced the increased maternal mortality (death) rates for Black women? Since the murder of George Floyd, support and awareness has increased for movements like Black Lives Matter, which has, in turn, brought tough conversations about racial inequities in the United States to the forefront. While all progress is great, unfortunately, one conversation that still 20 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 seems to get vastly swept under the rug is that of Black maternal mortality and morbidity. If every American took just a moment to think about the pain they would experience if they lost a wife, mother, sister, or friend to a generally preventable death during a time that should be filled only with new life, it would be glaringly apparent how vital this problem is to understand and discuss. As with many of the harmful inequities facing the Black community, this issue took root during slavery, gradually evolving into what it is today. In their article Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery, historians Deidre Cooper Owens, Ph.D., and Sharla M. Fett, Ph.D. begin to explain the links between modern medicine and slavery, asserting, An honest examination of racism as a widespread affliction of American medical practice must acknowledge that the medical profession was entangled in the institution of slavery from its beginnings (Owens and Fett). White physicians worked exclusively for slave owners and were only interested in the health of enslaved people when it was affecting their ability to work. Black women were considered an especially valuable commodity because, beginning in 1662, any children of enslaved women were born into slavery, thus creating more free labor. This practice became infinitely A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y more important to slaveholders when slave import was banned in 1808 because no new slaves were being shipped into America. Black women were treated like livestock to be bred; and with this, came a deepened fascination around Black womens fertility. This led to surgeons like Franois Marie Prevost conducting reproductive experiments on non-consenting enslaved women. Prevosts experiments eventually led to the creation and refinement of the modern-day Caesarian section; a surgery that benefits many women of all races today, but to the detriment of many Black women in the past. Like the C-section, numerous modern obstetric procedures and practices were developed through the torture of enslaved women, leading to the well-founded discomfort and mistrust that Black women often still hold toward the field of obstetrics. Many people believe there is no medical discrimination or bias currently affecting Black women because those practices occurred in the past. This assumption is simply not true. Unfortunately, the experiments performed on enslaved women have led to various medical fallacies still believed by a significant number of medical professionals. For example, a 2016 study conducted by the Institute of Medicine found that out of 210 white medical residents, 25% believed that Black people have thicker skin than white people and, 4% still believed that Black people had faster blood coagulation rates and felt less pain (Worcester). These fallacies all sprang from American slavery, and yet are believed by some over 150 years after its abolition. Furthermore, even if physicians do not believe these fallacies, many still hold an implicit bias toward Black women, yielding a far lower standard of care. Black mothers are frequently dismissed or under-treated when advocating for their pregnancy-related ailments or even blamed for them outright, often leading to preventable deaths or severe complications. It is a common misconception by both the public and the medical community that the causes for the increased rates of maternal mortality and morbidity can be explained by socioeconomic differences or differences in education level. However, this has been found time and time again to be untrue. In fact, Jamila K. Taylor, Ph.D., director of health care reform at Century Foundation, in her article, Structural Racism and Maternal Health Among Black Women, remarks Black women, regardless of social or economic status, are more likely to die of pregnancy-related causes. This is even true when compared with white women who never finish high school (Taylor). Kira Johnson is a name that comes up frequently in this discussion. She was a 39-year-old highly educated Black woman, wife, and mother of one (soon to be two) sons. Everyone who knew Kira personally described her as invincible, and understandably so. Kira spoke five different languages, enjoyed sky diving and flying planes, and was a successful entrepreneur. On April 12, 2016, Kira and her husband were elated to welcome their new son into the world via C-section, completing their family. However, shortly after the procedure, Kiras husband noticed blood in her catheter line. When he alerted the nurses and other medical personnel of their concerns, they were ignored and forced to wait an entire seven hours for any help, despite their increasingly frantic pleas. Eventually, Kira was sent into a second surgery, where they discovered three liters of blood in her abdomen due to a postpartum hemorrhage. Her heart stopped on the operating table, leaving a heartbroken widower, and two motherless sons behind because of her likely preventable death (Taylor). Unfortunately, Kiras story, while heartbreaking, is far from being unique. Along with both historical and inINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 21 A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y stitutional racism, Black mothers also have another battle to fight: stress. When humans are exposed to stressors, our central nervous systems release a flood of chemicals like adrenaline and cortisol. Evolutionarily, this process developed so that we could run away or fight any predators or attackers that were causing the stress, making it an extremely necessary and useful mechanism. However, when exposed to high levels of stress for extended periods, it can actually begin to harm or degrade essential systems in the body, like the cardiovascular, immune, and metabolic. To put it simply: stress can make us sick. In an article titled The Hidden Toll, published in The New York Times Magazine, author and journalist Linda Villarosa describes a theory developed by Dr. Arline Geronimus, a professor at the University of Michigans School of Public Health, which Dr. Geronimus termed weathering. Villarosa explains, She believed that a kind of toxic stress triggered the premature deterioration of the bodies of African-American women as a consequence of repeated exposure to a climate of discrimination and insults (Villarosa). Living as a Black woman in America causes such high-stress levels for such lengthy periods because they are exposed to frequent traumatic situations, insults, and consistent micro-aggressions. Enduring these experiences for long enough causes their stress response to become over-activated: a state that cannot simply be fixed with a bubble bath and cup of tea. Dr. Geronimus later went on to research weathering more deeply, and in a 2006 study, she and her colleagues concluded that persistent racial differences in health may be influenced by the stress of living in a race-conscious society. These effects may be felt particularly by WORKS CITED 22 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 black women because of [the] double jeopardy of gender and racial discrimination (Villarosa). In short, dealing with racism in the United States can pit Black womens own bodies against them. This can be particularly detrimental during pregnancy when health complications are more prevalent, to begin with. As I previously mentioned, the inequitable Black maternal mortality rate is an extremely multifaceted issue, which cannot be linked to a single factor or solved by any one solution. But to begin understanding the problem, history, current societal practices and beliefs, physiological factors, and medical practices all have to be heavily examined. There is a history of racism and discrimination against Black women and mothers dating back hundreds of years to American slavery. Many of the most helpful and widely used obstetric practices of today arose from despicable crimes committed against enslaved women. While these critical medical advancements stood the test of time, so did many harmful biases against the Black community; all too often leading to lowered standards of care, blatant medical negligence, and outright mistreatment. Along with the medical field, American society as a whole should be held accountable. It not only fosters an environment for Black mothers dying preventable deaths at horrifically high rates to fly under the radar, but it also endows these women with such heightened stress levels that they often develop physical ailments as a result. I wholeheartedly believe that this can eventually be remedied, but that will only happen when the medical community, and the general public, work together. This must all begin with education, awareness, and those tough conversations. A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y Owens, Deirdre Cooper, and Sharla M. Fett. Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery. American Journal of Public Health, vol. 109, no. 10, 2019, pp. 13421345. Taylor, Jamila K. Structural Racism and Maternal Health Among Black Women. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, vol. 48, no. 3, 2020, pp. 506517. Villarosa, Linda. The Hidden Toll. The New York Times Magazine, 15 Apr. 2018. Worcester, Sharon. AMERICAS CRISIS: The Role of Structural Racism and Implicit Bias. OB GYN News, May 2020. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 23  ...

... Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation Children from the Accomplishment of Natural Growth and Concerted Cultivation A u s tin C o o p e r W hen people have children, they seemingly have their own ideas of how they want their children live and behave. Sociologists have examined how parents influence their children through the act of parenting. While admittedly an oversimplification of the dynamics involved in parenting, Annette Lareaus (2006) ideal typical models of the accomplishment of natural growth and concerted cultivation have been widely adopted in research (e.g., Calarco 2011, Streib 2011). In brief, the accomplishment of natural growth is a parenting style associated with working-class individuals wherein parents enroll their children in a minimal number of organized, age-specific leisure activities (e.g., soccer, basketball, baseball/softball). Parents see strict boundaries between children and adult authority figures. As a result, accomplishment of natural growth parents are more prone to command their children to do chores and other activities and to engage in corporal punishment. Concerted cultivation is a parenting style associated with middle- and upper-middle-class individuals where parents will try to actively nurture their childrens talents by enrolling them in many organized, age-specific leisure activities. Parents do not see strict boundaries between children and adult authority figures. Accord- ingly, concerted cultivation parents are less likely to command their children to chores or other activities and less likely to engage in corporal punishment. Instead, concerted cultivation parents prefer to negotiate with their children; they even encourage and coach their children on interacting with adult authority figures. The models are offered as theoretical constructions for the purpose of comparison. No individual will perfectly fit into one of the models, but they will be in one more than the other. Unsurprising then, the individuals who experience concerted cultivation or accomplishment of natural growth develop differing orientations to the social world as early as age four according to Jessi Streib (2011). Moreover, these upbringings significantly impact school performance. Namely, concerted cultivation children have advantages over accomplishment of natural growth children in school. With this in mind, this essay describes how children from both models orient themselves to schooling, highlighting from preschool to college. As noted above, Jessi Streib (2011) has documented behavioral differences in children from the accomplishment growth and concerted cultivation as early as four. Strieb (2011) conducted ethnographic research in preschools where she gathered INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 17 Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation information regarding the class backgrounds of each child based on interviews with parents and observations of children. She determined that working-class children generally experienced parenting consistent with the accomplishment of natural growth model while middle-class children generally experienced parenting consistent with the concerted cultivation model. She found that concerted cultivation children were more outgoing with daycare workers, often interrupting the workers when they wanted to make a comment or to ask general questions (345). Concerted cultivation children could even get daycare workers to take preferred toys away from accomplishment of natural growth children to play with. They also routinely asked for assistance in putting on extra clothes such as coats and gloves. By contrast, accomplishment of natural growth children were more reticent to interrupt daycare workers. They rarely questioned or challenged daycare workers. While this difference might seem innocuous or temporary (children can grow out of such behaviors), it actually disadvantaged working-class children. At this early age, middle-class children grew comfortable interacting with adult authority figures, which eventually would become teachers. This would set concerted cultivation children up for easier success in primary school. The behaviors of children in preschool, while not deterministic, sets the groundwork for how they will behave when starting primary school (Calarco 2011). Picking up where Strieb (2011) concluded, Jessica McCrory Calarco (2011) examined a group of third, fourth, and fifth graders. Much like Striebs research, Calarco collected social class backgrounds of each child involved in her study. She found that middle-class children, or those reared on the concerted cultivation model, were more willing to ask for help on class assignments and homework. Since the middle-class chil18 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 dren were comfortable having the teacher assist them so much, they began to expect customized accommodations for their needs and questions. Often this led to the children requesting to take re-tests and to get extra credit. Working-class children, or those reared on the accomplishment of natural model were more hesitant to ask their teachers for assistance. These children did ask for information on assignments and tests, but never asked if their work was correct or if the teacher could help them compose the correct answer or if they could resubmit assignments. In one telling instance, a working-class boy was observed listening to a conversation between a teacher and middle-class boy who asked for help. These patterns continued through junior high and high school where the middle-class advantage in school continued to grow (Lareau 2006). Inequality research suggests early advantages can accrue into larger advantages, especially when people reach adulthood (Lareau 2015). Lareaus original research occurred through 1990s and has followed the children into adulthood. As adults, those raised under the accomplishment of natural growth mostly became independently responsible for themselves. They firmly understood the benefits of college education, but encountered more struggles than their concerted cultivation counterparts. This is not to say they uniformly struggled (one respondent earned a medical degree from Columbia University), just more than concerted cultivation individuals. Those who experienced concerted cultivation were more likely to find success as adults, although some encountered significant hardships. For their part, concerted cultivation parents remained deeply involved in the lives of their children, often assisting with bills and various crises. Accomplishment of the natural growth parents were still involved in the lives of their children as well, Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation but offered less monetary help for bills and crises. In sum, the inequalities seeded at an early-age seemingly reverberate across the lifespan. Social class may not be deterministic, but it is very influential. REFERENCES Calarco, Jessica McCrory. 2011. I Need Help! Social Class and Childrens Help-Seeking in Elementary School. American Sociological Review 76(6): 862-882. Lareau, Annette. 2006. Concerted Cultivation and the Accomplishment of Natural Growth. Pp. 335-344 in Childhood Socialization, edited by Gerald Handel. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transaction. Lareau, Annette. 2015. Cultural Knowledge and Social Inequality. American Sociological Review 80(1): 1-27. Streib, Jessi. 2011. Class Reproduction by Four Year Olds. Qualitative Sociology 34(2): 337-352. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 19  ...

... A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace A Womens Issue: Intersection of Gender, Incarcerated Motherhood and Race S ri K o d a k a lla [T H IR D PL AC E ] R ates of incarceration and length of prison sentences have increased dramatically in the past fifty years since the War on Drugs, a U.S. government-led initiative focused on reducing the trade of illegal drugs (Opsal and Foley 2013). Often, the consideration for discussing this increase has been focused on incarcerated mens issues: rates of recidivism, challenges or obstacles faced with re-entry, and the compounding factor of race in the struggle for successful reintegration after release. Incarceration and the obstacles faced in reintegration are gendered issues, faced differently by men and women. This difference is further experienced by incarcerated parents of minor children and by incarcerated people of color. While the number of incarcerated women is less than the number of incarcerated men and incarcerated women are more likely to serve shorter sentences than incarcerated men, nearly two-thirds of the incarcerated women are mothers to minor children and experience the circumstance of having to mother their children from a distance, find familial custody for their children, or are embedded with social services as their children are taken into foster care (Michalsen, Flavin, and Krupat 2010; Opsal and Foley 12 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 2013). In our current justice system, there is not enough done for incarcerated mothers during incarceration and in preparation for release to advance or improve potential for successful reintegration with the possibility of custody of their children intact, despite seeing beneficial and positive outcomes in maintaining mother-child relationships. This essay focuses on the blind spot of the American justice system in advocating for the compounded intersection of gender, incarceration, motherhood, and race, starting with a discussion of the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers of color (especially Black and Hispanic) in successfully re-integrating into society after release from prison (Opsal and Foley 2013). In consideration of these obstacles faced, this essay will review the current societal and judicial stereotype on motherhood which plays a significant role in the lives of incarcerated mothers who dont meet societal expectations of femininity (Garcia 2016). Finally, the importance of fostering mother-child relationships while incarcerated will be explored (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). These factors present only a portion of the narrative of struggles faced by incarcerated mothers; more research A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace regarding the intersection of incarcerated motherhood and race needs to be done in order to have a more adequate understanding of how best to encourage successful and equitable re-entry (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). OBSTACLES IN RE-ENTRY Re-entry upon release is a gendered issue for incarcerated women, as they experience greater difficulties with successful reintegration (Garcia 2016). In American society, men are more likely to be employed than women. White women are more likely to be employed than women of color. Within certain industries, there still exists a gender pay gap in employment with women of color making far less money than white women. These same demographic statistics apply for incarcerated individuals; however, having a record and being on parole makes it much harder. Incarcerated mothers (especially mothers of color) face insurmountable challenges with reintegration, in regards to obtaining employment, financial security, housing, custodial arrangements, parole requirements as well as dealing with mental and physical health issues (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Incarcerated women have difficulty finding stable employment upon release, as the job market looks down on individuals with a prior record and individuals on parole (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). This fact is compounded by gender issues in hiring and pay equality for women in the United States. With regards to obtaining employment after release, incarcerated women are considered to be doubly deviant in the eyes of employers (Opsal and Foley 2013). This standard weighs that incarcerated women are not only criminals, but also countering societal expectations of femininity with being tough or hardened through incarceration (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). With the addition of race- based stereotyping and bias, incarcerated women of color struggle with finding stable employment with adequate means to support themselves, let alone any minor children they have (Opsal and Foley 2013). Incarcerated women usually do not have money saved up upon release and must find a job to support themselves. Released incarcerated mothers are more likely to have been the sole providers for [their] children prior to incarceration and after release, must find ways to source income to be able to provide for their children (Opsal and Foley 2013). Often, the money they earn isnt enough to afford housing to live with their child or to pay for the livelihood of their kids. Upon release, incarcerated women must find housing conditions, but there are limited housing options for recently released convicts (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Options for housing are even more sparse for women of color. Incarcerated women of color are more likely to end up in housing in racially-segregated communities where there exists greater economic disadvantage, high crime, and a dearth of public resources (Opsal and Foley 2013). These group housing situations dont afford the option for mothers to be able to live with their children (Garcia 2016). Incarcerated women who are able to rely on family support in the form of housing and child custody are more likely to succeed in re-entry (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Depending on the length of time of incarceration, incarcerated mothers must juggle the expectations of the court system to attend hearings, to meet parole requirements, to find housing to live with their children, and to have stable employment or financial security, in order to obtain custody of their children. Since the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, incarcerated mothers (often women of color) released after longer sentences (greater than 15 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 13 A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace months) lose custody of their children to the foster care system (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). In order to meet parole and stay out of prison, newly released women are required to meet state and federal requirements of finding stable employment, housing, and completing regular drug testing. For incarcerated mothers, this first year of parole is critical in ensuring they are able to stay out of prison, in order to even physically be present for their children. Without familial support, meeting the dual requirements of parole officers as well as the court system and social services is impossible (Opsal and Foley 2013). Finally, incarcerated women experience mental and physical health issues (either from incarceration or pre-incarceration), which impedes their ability to succeed upon re-entry. These women have limited to no access to healthcare or substance abuse care while in prison and these issues persist upon leaving prison, often to their own detriment (Opsal and Foley 2013). Federal and correctional policies disproportionately affect women of color and low-income women (Opsal and Foley 2013). Roughly half of repeat incarcerated, low-income women of color receive little to no treatment for ongoing mental health issues (Opsal and Foley 2013). In order to be able to attain healthcare, reform, or rehabilitation upon release, these women must find employment and financial security. As illustrated above, the expectations of incarcerated women upon release is a juggling act with knives, putting these women in repeatedly punitive positions to not succeed in reintegration. A newly released mothers success (if there is to be any) relies on having family or others to take care of her children, while she navigates the requirements of her parole (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). 14 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 THE STEREOTYPE OF MOTHERHOOD AND THE STIGMATIZATION OF INCARCER ATED MOTHERS There exists a developed stigma, in society and ultimately mirrored in our justice system, around incarcerated mothers who are subsequently considered bad or unfit mothers due to their incarceration (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). This stigma has led to unequal treatment toward incarcerated mothers if and when they dont meet the general expectations of traditional motherhood and femininity. There is a homogeneous understanding of motherhood tied to physically living with your children, fully financially supporting your children, and nurturing your childrens growth into future successes (Garcia 2016). This vision of motherhood is not that for incarcerated mothers nor for mothers of color. The question of how a child should be raised is a race-based and income-based issue, often being seen differently within families of color, immigrant families, or low-income families. Immigrant mothers often want for their children to have far more than they ever did. Black women must engage in motherwork to empower their children with the acknowledgment that there exist systemic issues that will impede their ability to succeed always and that there are inherent dangers to living while Black (Garcia 2016). Incarcerated mothers whove experienced the penal system raise their children differently through tough love parenting with the intention of not wanting their kids to end up like them or to be aware of the struggles at an earlier age (Garcia 2016). This experience of motherhood is different than those of White mothers or White middle-class mothers; incarcerated women (especially those of color) cannot just impart wisdom to their children about focusing on attaining a good education and earning a living (Garcia 2016). Our world is experi- A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace enced differently by those of color and by those of low-income. Our current justice system, with regards to child custody, hands down judgments on the basis of living arrangements (whether a child lives with the mother or not), financial stability (stable employment or savings), and any custodial agreements (familial support for the child) to determine whether a mother can be involved in a childs life or not (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). These expectations are independent of whether a mother is incarcerated. Newly released mothers are unable to meet all of these standards while meeting the requirements of parole and especially within the allotted timeline before losing custody or access to their children. Due to systemic racial discrepancy and disadvantage in our court system, incarcerated mothers of color are more likely to be unable to meet these expectations and lose access to their children (Garcia 2016). Our system must evolve from the white homogenous understanding of motherhood to adapt to the ways in which individuals can be good parents even without living with their children and in acknowledging how even just the maintenance of a relationship between a mother-child improves a childs wellbeing (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). FOSTERING MOTHER-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS Children of incarcerated parents experience instability due to the separation of familial ties, especially experiencing emotional turmoil regarding the incarceration of their mother. Due to the disruption in their relationships with their family and to their steady home life, these children often experience instability in their housing situations, educational achievement, and suffer from mental health issues which cause them to behave aggressively, break rules, or drop out of school (Garcia 2016). While parental incarceration is problematic for these children, what is more traumatic is the loss of the connection to their parent entirely. Knowing that incarcerated women are likely to serve shorter prison sentences than men and likely to be released on parole on an average of 18 served months, the separation between mother and child is temporary (Michalsen et al. 2010). This short-term incarceration should not create a lasting ripple effect where the mother no longer has any access to their child after release and that the separation between mother and child becomes permanent. Children of incarcerated mothers are more likely to have lived with their mothers prior to incarceration and are more unduly harmed by this separation (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). In order to ensure the childs wellbeing, structure, and sense of their identity, we must create greater opportunities for children to be able to access their mothers while incarcerated through extended visiting hours or correctional reforms (Michalsen et al. 2010). Convicted mothers of non-violent crimes shouldnt be in prison, but rather in community correctional programs which advocate for self-improvement and keep the family unit together (Michaelsen et al. 2010). There are benefits to the incarcerated mother being able to see their child. Access to their children encourages a sense of hope of a future after release, provides for potential motivation to stay away from drugs and crime and facilitates reintegrative efforts (potentially reducing recidivism, encouraging a smoother re-entry, and promoting rehabilitation) (Michalsen et al. 2010). If we want to ensure that every child and family can succeed when given the opportunity, our justice and correctional systems must evolve to meet that standard INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 15 A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace (Michalsen et al. 2010). GAPS IN THE NARR ATIVE: OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH In order to fully ascertain how to remedy or alleviate the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers, there needs to be more empirical research in understanding the intersection of incarceration, motherhood, and race. There is homogeneity presented in the experiences of incarcerated motherhood as there is a lack of data on the differences in experiences faced by incarcerated mothers of varying racial and ethnic backgrounds (Garcia 2016). Often, current data discusses incarcerated women of color as a unit, aggregating systemic disadvantage to all women of color rather than discussing the nuances of disadvantage faced. Black and Hispanic women in the United States serve longer prison sentences than white women (Opsal and Foley 2013). Due to these longer sentences and the stipulations of the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, incarcerated Black and Hispanic mothers to minor children are, in general, less likely to be able to regain custody of their children (unless the children are already in the care of family) (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). The current presentation of empirical data suggests that all incarcerated women face the same struggles with reentry into society after release. While not untrue, it doesnt fully share the further struggles faced by incarcerated single mothers of color in our society for attaining safe housing, financial stability, and secure employment. Our understanding of the narratives of incarcerated mothers of color can be enriched through empirical study of the rates of recidivism, successful re-entry, and obtainment of custody (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). CONCLUSION In reviewing the challenges faced by incarcerated mothers after release, the societal expectations of motherhood, and the beneficial outcomes associated with fostering incarcerated mother-child relationships, we can see that our narrative understanding of incarcerated mothers (especially those of color) is nuanced and complex (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). The American judicial and correctional system, while acknowledging the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers, has not actively alleviated or remediated these issues (Michalsen et al. 2010). With all of the societal and judicial challenges faced by incarcerated individuals within the penal system and upon release, how can these individuals also be expected to be available parents? If we seek to aid incarcerated mothers (especially those of color who receive greater disadvantage), we must make more active efforts to adapt our systems to maintain and sustain relationships with their children, while also encouraging success for the family unit through aiding the individual with access to housing, finances, employment, and achievement of parole requirements upon release. REFERENCES Garcia, Janet. 2016. Understanding the Lives of Mothers after Incarceration: Moving Beyond Socially Constructed Definitions of Motherhood. Sociology Compass 10(1): 3-11. Michalsen, Venezia, Jeanne Flavin, and Tanya Krupat. 2010. More than Visiting Hours: Maintaining Ties Between Incarcerated Mothers and Their Children. Sociology Compass 4(8): 576-591. Opsal, Tara, and Allison J. Foley. 2013. Making it on the Outside: Understanding Barriers to Womens Post-Incarceration Reintegration. Sociology Compass 7(4): 265-277. 16 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021  ...

... The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tradition A n n a H e e td e rk s [S E C O N D P L A C E ] C harles Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition (Marrow) is a fictional retelling of the 1898 Wilmington riot in which white residents attacked and drove out of town thousands of black citizens (Bentley and Gunning, Introduction 4). Chesnutts own version, set in the fictional town of Wellington, embellishes the historical account with subplots and distinctive characters, which both drive the development of the story as a whole and symbolize different sets of values and attributes. Most importantly, the characters represent different classes. Class is as central to the plot of Chesnutts novel as race is. Marrow is about a black-white power struggle, which Chesnutt represents in the tension between the ascendant black middle class and the descendant white ruling class. Through the characters of Marrow, Chesnutt illustrates each classs reaction to this struggle, culminating in the Wellington riot. Captain George McBane is a rough, course, violent man who expresses nothing less than hatred towards African-Americans. Chesnutt writes that he had sprung from the poor-white class, to which, even more than to the slaves, the abolition of slavery had opened the door of opportunity (Chesnutt 64). McBane, stepping through this door, had made a good living off a contract with the state for convict labor, the post-Reconstruction practice of 6 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 using criminals, often black men convicted on questionable charges, as unpaid labor, prisoners were forced to work for little or no pay, writes Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow. Alexander further writes, those found with no lawful employment were deemed vagrants and convicted. Clearly, the purpose of...the vagrancy laws in particular was to establish another system of forced labor (28). In many regards, convict labor was slavery by another name. McBanes involvement in the questionable institution had been enough to make him quite rich, but not enough to raise his social standing. He is welcomed by Major Philip Carteret, the orchestrator of the Wellington riot, not as an equal, rather as an unpleasant but useful cobelligerent (Chesnutt 63). He is presented as an ambitious man, constantly seeking status and political power (Chesnutt 67), and he sees the power struggle as an opportunity for social mobility and recognition. Despite his wealth, he continues to be disdained by the white elite whose acceptance he so strongly desires. Cartaret views him as illiterate and vulgar, and is put off by his thirst for violence (Chesnutt 98). McBane had always grated upon his [Cartarets] sensibilities, Chesnutt writes (98). McBane sustains a deep hatred for the black race as a whole, in contrast with Cartaret, whose racism is limited to a desire to depose African-Amer- The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition icans from positions of power and put them back, as he sees it, in their rightful place (Chesnutt 99). Cartaret, however, knows this hatred is useful in pursuit of his goal and therefore he tolerates McBane. Cartarets relationship with McBane is emblematic of the tendency of the white elite to use the white working class as a terrorist arm to execute their white supremacist agenda (Gorman 2). The ruling class, while they may have found people such as McBane personally repugnant (Roe 3), were happy to perpetuate racism within the white working class as a means of keeping African-Americans down and preserving the authority and power of the white ruling class. Within the white working class, groups such as the White Labor movement sprung up and tapped into the fear of black social mobility. At the time of Marrows publishing, white unemployment was on the rise and African-Americans were taking over in many positions of power (Roe 3). The only advantage poor whites had was the color of their skin, and this they held on to as their last and only form of dominance. Alexander notes this in The New Jim Crow: In the antebellum South, the lowliest white person at least possessed his or her white skin- a badge of superiority over even the most skilled slave or prosperous free African American (27). For poor whites, unless African-Americans were at the bottom of the social order, it would be them, and this fear was exploited by the white ruling class. Even before the rise of the black middle class, the white ruling class faced problems. At the time of Marrows publishing, southern aristocracy was in decline and losing its grip on society. Chesnutt indicates this on the very first page of the novel as he introduces Major Carteret: Long ago, while yet a mere boy in years, he had come back from Appomattox to find his family, one of the oldest and proudest in the state, hopelessly impoverished by the war even their ancestral home swallowed up in the common ruin (Chesnutt 44). Cartaret, like so many southern aristocrats, found his family and honor ruined by the war. As he and the white ruling class as a whole struggled to regain their power, a new group was rising that posed a wholly unanticipated threat: the black middle class. Signs of this exchange of power were visible all-around Wellington, especially, as professor Bryan Wagner notes in Charles Chesnutt and the Epistemology of Racial Violence, in its buildings and architecture (Wagner 312). In Marrow, Olivia Cartarets aunt, Polly Ochiltree, embodies the anger and consternation of the white elite at this visible disruption to the structure of society. In the scene, Mrs. Ochiltree and Olivia pass by a new building, and Ochiltree notes that Hugh Poindexter (presumably a southern aristocrat) has been building a new house to replace the family mansion destroyed during the Civil War. Olivia corrects her: It isnt Mr. Poindexters house, Aunt Polly. That is the new colored hospital built by the colored doctor (Chesnutt 123). This information provokes an outburst of indignation from Mrs. Ochiltree: Hugh Poindexter has sold the graves of his ancestors to a negro, - I should have starved first!...The world is upside down (Chesnutt 123). The belief that the world is upside down as a result of black power and influence goads the white ruling class throughout the novel, eventually culminating in the riot. Despite his tenuous grip on power, Major Carteret fantasizes about a return to former glory for the southern aristocracy. He believes, as Chesnutt writes, in the divine right of white men and gentlemen, as his ancestors had believed in and died for the divine right of kings (64). This right would be exercised by winning the power struggle, by putting African-Americans, as he sees it, back in their place. As Chesnutt writes, Carteret hoped to vindicate the suINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 7 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition premacy of his race, and make the state fit for his son to live in (102). His plans for the riot are based in fear and resentment of losing his power to and being ruled by an inferior race (Chesnutt 64). A prominent theme throughout the book is Carterets belief that he and his class should dictate the order of society. This is shown by how he treats the black characters with whom he comes into contact. He treats his childs nurse, Mammy Jane, with an affection that, while condescending, seems genuine. She is allowed, even welcomed into his house. This starkly contrasts with his blatant refusal to allow Dr. Miller to set foot in his home. In the south, we do not call negro doctors to attend white patients, he tells Dr. Burns in Chapter VII. I could not permit a negro to enter my house upon such an errand (Chesnutt 88). If Miller were going as a servant, to hold a basin and a sponge, there would be no difficulty, observes a fellow doctor, Dr. Price (Chesnutt 86). Carteret is comfortable with African-Americans around him as long as they remain servants, but not in any other role. He sees himself and his class as the gatekeepers of society. William Miller is the embodiment of the black middle-class Carteret so loathes and fears. He is a successful and accomplished doctor, the son of a rich stevedore (Chesnutt 48). Intelligent, measured, and philosophical, Miller is respected and accepted by his white colleagues (Chesnutt 84), though this does not prevent him from being subjected to segregation and discrimination. On the train down from Pennsylvania to Wellington, he is separated from Dr. Burns, his white traveling companion, at Richmond, and forced to move to the colored car. Ironically, had he been Dr. Burns servant, he would have been permitted to stay, but because Burns indignantly claims him as his equal, he is told to leave (Chesnutt 77). Such is the ambiguous po8 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 sition of the middle-class African-American in The Marrow of Tradition. The rise of Millers class was considered by the white elite a historical impossibility (Wagner 313). Carterets white supremacist campaign is first and foremost one waged against the successful middle-class African-American, aimed at erasing the class from public memory (Wagner 332). The black middle class provokes a white identity crisis. Anxious and disoriented, they [the white characters] denounce the signs of Negro Domination they see everywhere in their city, signs that range from newly built African American public institutions to individual characters whose appearance of middle-class prosperity belies their supposed inferiority, writes Wagner (312). The black middle class challenged white elites perception and portrayal of African Americans and thus threatened their hold on society. If the black middle class was the manifestation of all that the white elite feared from African Americans, the black servant class was the ideal place for them to be. The negro is capable of a certain doglike fidelity, opines Major Cartaret, a certain personal devotion which is admirable in itself, and fits him eminently for a servile career (Chesnutt 59). The black servants in the novel, particularly Mammy Jane and Jerry, embrace their servanthood and express disapproval of those of their race who seek social equality with white citizens. They view the power struggle as unnecessary and unseemly. Is fetch my grandson Jerry up ter be umble an keep in is place, Mammy Jane tells Carteret. An I tells dese other n-----s ll dat ef deyd do de same, an not crowd de wite folks, deyd git ernuff ter eat, an live out deir days in peace an comfot (Chesnutt 71). Jerry, for his part, constantly seeks the approval of Cartaret and the other white gentlemen of Wellington. To please the white folks was Jerrys consistent aim in The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition life, writes Chesnutt (194). He relies on his ingratiation with them to protect him from violence during the riot, which it ultimately does not. In stark contrast to Jerrys policy of accommodation and appeasement stands Josh Green, one of the black working class. Greens father was killed by the Klu Klux Klan under the leadership of McBane, and Green hates McBane and thirsts for revenge (Chesnutt 113). At the start of the Wellington riot, instead of fleeing like most of the towns black population, Green forms a small group of like-minded black men with the intent of fighting back against the white supremacists. De wite folks are killin de n-----s, an we ain gwine ter stan up an be shot down like dogs, he tells Miller. Were gwine ter defen ou lives, an we ain gwine ter run away fm no place where weve got a right ter be (Chesnutt 217). Miller is unwilling to join the men, believing resistance to be futile. Green, disappointed but undeterred, presses on anyway (Chesnutt 219). Green, like McBane, views the power struggle not as an abstract battle of wills and ideologies, but as a physical battle to be fought. The Wellington riot is the violent culmination of the The Marrow of Tradition, and of the storys class and racial tension. It determines each characters destiny and hints at Chesnutts premonitions for the future of race and class in the American South. It starts with Dr. Miller, who, returning from a house call, is approached by groups of terrified African-Americans, who tell him the whites in Wellington are threatening to kill every African-American they meet (Chesnutt 216). Anxiety seizes Miller as he thinks of his wife and son, and he urgently drives towards town. Despite his middle-class respectability, he is stopped and searched multiple times by white men with guns (though most are apologetic) and encounters several black bodies lying in the streets (Chesnutt 222). Miller is met along the way by Lee Ellis, the young white man who works for Major Cartarets newspaper. Ellis is shocked by the violence of the riot, but cannot find the words to condemn it. He could not approve of the acts of his own people; Chesnutt writes, neither could he, to a negro, condemn them. Hence, he was silent (223). Ellis, the young, liberal, likeable middle-class professional, should have exemplified hopes for eventual solidarity with the black middle class, an opportunity for both middle classes to unite against the elite (Wise 173). But he chooses racial solidarity over class solidarity (Wise 174). Mammy Jane is killed in the riot, while Jerry is involuntarily conscripted by Josh Green into the defense party. I don wan ter fight, he protests. De wite folks ain gwine ter pester me; deyre my friends (Chesnutt 229). Green maintains his hold on Jerry, however, who is dragged along with the crowd to Millers hospital, which Greens men convert to a fort (Chesnutt 229). As Greens party bunkers down in the hospital, a crowd of angry whites gathers outside, including George McBane (Chesnutt 231). McBanes decision to remain in this violent scene long after the other white leaders have withdrawn sets him apart from the same white elites whose acceptance he so dearly desires, writes Gene Gorman in The Southern Literary Journal (2). While Cartaret is uncomfortable with violence, McBane revels in it. He loudly threatens Green and his men with death if they fight, but is interrupted by a gunshot, and the battle commences (Chesnutt 229). Major Carteret arrives on the scene highly distressed, having found out Mammy Jane has been killed. He loudly implores the mob to stop, but is misheard, and the crowd, seeing him, cheers the architect of the campaign, the champion of white supremacy, and proceeds to set the hospital on fire (Chesnutt 232). Jerry jumps out the window, calling for help from Carteret, but INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 9 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition is shot immediately, his trust in and ingratiation with the white folks failing to save him. As the hospital continues to burn, Green realizes that if he and his men stay in there any longer they will die like rats in a hole (Chesnutt 233). They rush out to meet the white mob. Green is shot by McBane but stabs him in the heart before dying, fulfilling his promise to avenge his fathers death (Chesnutt 234). Major Carteret returns home to find that his son has the croup due to being left, in the midst of the commotion, in a draft by an open window. (Chesnutt 235). The illness is life-threatening, and Carteret calls around to every doctor he can think of, but none are available. None, that is, except for William Miller. Despite the life of his child at stake, Carteret hesitates, but he gives in. He finds himself on Millers doorstep, pleading for help (Chesnutt 240). Fiat Justicia this chapter is called, but irony plays the leading role. Carteret, the consummate gentleman, the aristocrat, the white supremacist, is reduced to begging for the life of his young heir from a man who represents the class he most disdains and fears. Carteret standing on Millers porch is the face-to-face manifestation of Marrows defining power struggle. In Caste, Race, and Gender after Reconstruction, an analysis of Marrow in light of the social issues of Chesnutts day, Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning argue that Chesnutts portrayal of Miller implies that he believed the black middle class would lead African-American progress. They add, however, that Chesnutt makes Green, not Miller, the true leader of the story. Miller turns down the opportunity to be a figurehead of the resistance, leaving Green the symbolic leader of his people (Bentley and Gunning, Caste 254-55). But while Green may have been the leader, Miller is the last man standing. The ending of The Marrow of Tradition reveals Chesnutts premonitions for the outcome of the power struggle and for the future of class and race in the American South. George McBane and Josh Green kill each other, implying conflict in store for the white and black working classes. Lee Ellis aligns, if reluctantly, with his race over his class, dashing, at least temporarily, hopes for solidarity with the black middle class. Mammy Jane and Jerry are killed, demonstrating that no amount of subservience to the white powers-that-be will be enough to afford African-Americans security and protection. Dr. Miller, however, emerges not only alive, but in a position of power over Cartaret. His victory in the power struggle demonstrates Chesnutts belief that progress for African-Americans lay with the improbable, miraculous black middle class. WORKS CITED Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow. The New Press, 2010. Bentley, Nancy and Sandra Gunning. Introduction. The Marrow of Tradition, by Charles Chesnutt. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002, pp. 1-26. Bentley, Nancy and Sandra Gunning. Caste, Race, and Gender after Reconstruction. The Marrow of Tradition, by Charles Chesnutt. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002, pp. 249-55 Chesnutt, Charles. The Marrow of Tradition. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002. 10 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition Gorman, Gene I. Awakening a Dormant Appetite: Captain McBane, Convict Labor, and Charles Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition. Southern Literary Journal, vol. 44, no. 2, 2012, pp. 1-18. Roe, Jae H. Keeping an Old Wound Alive: The Marrow of Tradition and the Legacy of Wilmington. African American Review, vol. 33, no. 2, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999, pp. 1-8. Wagner, Bryan. Charles Chesnutt and the Epistemology of Racial Violence. American Literature, vol. 73, no. 2, Duke University Press, 2001, pp. 311-37. Wise, Rachel A. Reading Rivalry, Race, and the Rise of a Southern Middle Class in Charles W. Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition. Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory, vol. 70, no. 3, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014, pp. 157-84. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 11  ...

... Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America Slave Patrols and the History of Policing in America S h e lo m ith G o n z a le z [F IR S T P L A C E ] T he methods used by police to carry out their duty to protect and serve have been the center of controversy between law enforcement agencies and social justice advocates for decades. Historically, police killing of a Black person and the ensuing media coverage of the event has resulted in a period of intense focus on these issues and protests. However, the civil uprisings in response to the killings of Breonna Taylor in Kentucky on March 13, 2020, George Floyd in Minnesota a few months later, and video of Elijah McClains brutal treatment by police and paramedics resulting in his death in 2019, have proven to be distinct from the past in several ways. One of the notable differences is the resulting widespread call to radically reform the institution of policing (What is the Breathe Act?). The Movement for Black Lives is one of many organizations who are demanding action to dismantle the structures of our society perpetuating racism. One of their demands is to defund police and reinvest in community resources that improve Black lives (Movement for Black Lives Policy Platforms). Social media content, hashtags, news coverage and public statements by well-known corporations and public figures over the past few months have made the topic of defunding the police part of mainstream dialogue in this country. Some historians have argued that American policing is in fact a descendant of slave patrols and other strategies designed to maintain White Supremacy. Experts of this historical context believe that failure to recognize this fact is insensitive to the experience of Black people and that acknowledging this history is necessary in order to confront the issues of police violence today (Spruill 44). Some scholars offer a different perspective on how the institution evolved. Seth Stoughton, an assistant professor of law at the University of South Carolina, cites the model of British night watches as the model for policing in colonial America, but he is careful to note that this was particularly in the northern colonies and states... (123). The Boston Police Department is aligned with this perspective when it states that its roots can be found in the Boston Watch created in 1631 (City of Boston). Determining the validity of the connection between police today and institutions of White supremacy from the past is not just a subject matter for interesting debate. If the institution of policing descends directly from slave patrols, the unjustified violence experienced by Black communities at the hands of police is not a random event attributed to deviant officers of the law. It is the vestige of a system created by White INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 1 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America society to control and terrorize Black people. For Black Americans the implications of this debate are a matter of life and death. When we consider the early history of policing, there are clear differences between what motivated northern and southern communities to establish law enforcement agencies. The norths economy was only indirectly dependent on enslaved Black people. In the book Urban American and Its Police, co-authors and political science professors, Harlan Hahn and Judson L. Jeffries suggest that in northern cities the appointment of watches and constables was to provide for various types of public service that also included protecting their communities (1). Stoughton likewise portrays the function of constables as being a mix of mundane civic duties such as overseeing road repairs and collecting taxes along with a few elements of law enforcement (123). Hahn and Jefferies reveal however that even in northern cities race was a factor in the eventual movement towards a more structured, armed police force as White elite societys perception of risk to their communities increased when the immigrant population grew (3-4). The motives of southern White society for empowering groups to police others, however, is not at all nuanced. Larry Spruill, a professor of history at Morehouse College, identifies the foremost threat to the White persons way of life in the antebellum south as the enslaved Black community. The slave patrol was the slave-owners answer to that threat. The core values that guided the actions of slave patrols were preservation of the economy enabled by chattel slavery and the prevailing view that Black people were an inferior class of humans. Backed by legal authority established through slave laws and local courts, patrols could detain, interrogate and violently punish enslaved Black people for the slightest of perceived infrac2 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 tions. The very basis for the function of law enforcement at that time was the belief that all Black people were inherently dangerous, criminal and insubordinate and that White dominance needed to be maintained (49). New Orleans history offers an interesting window into the irony of White peoples perceptions about an armed police force monitoring their own behavior. In New Orleans slave patrols were formed out of fear that Black people and Native Americans would join forces against White enslavers as they had in 1729 during the Natchez Massacre. When government officials attempted to use the slave patrol model as the basis for arming their public police force, White residents objected to this vehemently, believing that only enslaved people deserved to be patrolled by an armed militia. Enough White voters believed this represented a violation of their civil liberties that New Orleans police lost the legal right to carry guns in 1830 (Ralph 3). In defending the use of weapons by police, the mayor of New Orleans used the sensationalized characterization of a fugitive slave named Bras-Coup to inflame the irrational fears of White people. Laurence Ralph, an anthropologist at Princeton University, argues that the same panic instilled in White people in New Orleans through racist rhetoric about the evil nature of Black people was what motivated cities across the south to eventually establish armed police forces. He goes on to assert that the same myths motivate the unjustified police shootings of Black people, citing the specifics of the killing of LaQuan McDonald as one example of this truth (5). Just as genetic descendants share a DNA pattern that is unmistakable, aspects of modern policing share a remarkable resemblance to that of their ancestral slave patrols. Spruill connects antebellum slave patrol practices with police strategies de- Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America ployed exclusively on black communities today. He uses the findings of a report published by the Department of Justice following the governments investigation into the death of Michael Brown to demonstrate this connection. In particular, he finds parallels in the Ferguson Police canine units used to attack Black people in that community and the packs of negro dogs used by slave patrols. (Spruill 42) Details of the DOJ report reveal that canine units were routinely deployed for unjustifiable reasons that resulted in puncture wounds to unarmed, non-violent people, including children. In every single incident reviewed by the investigators, the victims of the canine attacks were Black (Spruill 46). Spruill goes on to lay out the historical context necessary to comprehend the symbolic implications of using dogs in policing Black communities. Hunting humans with bloodhounds was a practice reserved exclusively for Black freedom seekers who escaped their enslavers. The point of using the negro dogs was to terrorize as much as it was to hunt and harm (53). Newspaper advertisements offering well trained dogs for hunting and catching slaves confirms there was a professional market for this service. Narrative accounts from enslaved Black people and archival writings of enslavers provide horrifying evidence of how common the use of negro hounds was (54). In contrast, after the Civil War the use of bloodhounds to attack northern White soldiers was considered a war crime and condemned as an act of inhumanity punishable by death (58).The fact that this practice was reserved for Black people only is an indication of how inferior they were thought to be in comparison to White people and represented a denial of their very humanity(45). During the Civil Rights movement dogs were frequently used to attack predominately Black protesters. Spruill quotes Dr. Martin Luther King in drawing attention to the powerful symbolism, Discrimination is a hellhound that gnaws at Negroes in every waking moment of their lives (qtd. in Spruill 60). The use of dogs by police to attack Black people today is both a symbolic emblem of the legacy of slave patrols and an unconstitutional practice that has gone unprosecuted today (44). There are other traces of shared DNA found between policing today and the methods first employed by slave patrols. The slave patrols function to constantly surveil Black people was driven by White societys need to control the enslaved communities and prevent uprisings (Spruill 43). Spruill quotes from a travel journal entry written in 1829 by a man visiting Richmond, Virginia who observed an armed officer standing watch at all times. A local resident informed him that it was necessary to have a small guard always under arms. It is the consequence of the nature of our colored population; but is done more as a preventive check than anything else it keeps all thoughts of insurrection out of the heads of the slaves,... (qtd. Spruill 50) Modern law enforcement uses the same language to justify heavy monitoring and patrolling of Black communities. A sociologist commented in 1944 that the real purpose of police in the South was to ...keep the Negroes intimidated, and sometimes they help preserve order (qtd. Hahn, Jeffries 125) Hahn and Jeffries acknowledge that routine patrolling represents a large part of police work, and yet it is mainly symbolic, has little substance and does not effectively control crime (18). The evidence is clear that throughout the past several decades the neighborhoods most heavily patrolled were Black communities (127). While there is no evidence to suggest that heavier patrolling significantly reduces crime, there is an abundance of evidence that the impact on Black communities has been deadly. A ProPublica report investigatINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 3 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America ed over 12,000 killings by police from 1980 to 2012. They find that young black males were 21 times more likely to be shot and killed than their white counterparts during police encounters (Ralph 2). Another study that analyzed data from 2013 to 2018 finds that, while Black people represent only 13% of the population, 25% of the victims were Black and 69% were unarmed (Ralph 2). The most evident common thread of DNA connecting police violence against Black people today and slave patrols in the past is the dehumanization of Black people stemming from the belief that they are inherently criminal, threatening and of less worth than White people. These beliefs were the framework for policies that to this day give legitimacy to police activity. In a survey of police officers in the 1960s done in eleven cities, 33% asserted that Negroes are basically violent and disrespectful and 30% of white officers labeled most Negroes as their enemies (Hanh, Jeffries 133). Compare Mayor Prieurs description of Bras-Coup as a fiend in human shape, and the New Orleans newspapers statement that fire shoots from his eyes (qtd. Ralph 8) to the testimony of Officer Jason Van Dyke in defense of his killing of LaQuan McDonald in 2014. Van Dyke describes McDonalds expressionless face and states that [h]is eyes were just bugging out of his head. He had just these huge white eyes, just staring right through me (qtd. Ralph 6) Van Dykes testimony is that it was this ap- pearance that created a perception of threat so strong that he shot McDonald who was carrying a knife, even after he had fallen to the ground, a total of sixteen times. We are at a pivotal time in the history of the fight to achieve a truly equitable existence for all Americans. An honest reflection on the data together with documented history of law enforcement in this country leads us to some very uncomfortable truths. Inevitably, we must question what is the intent of policing today? If it is motivated by the belief that Black people are inherently more criminal and dangerous, and that control of their communities is necessary in order to protect the order and safety of White communities, then we must face the truth that law enforcement are carrying out the same duties as antebellum slave patrollers, who after the Civil War passed the slave whip off to publicly funded police departments in a continuation of inhumane practices (Spruill 59). The legal component that functions to provide legitimacy to racial injustice in policing today is also an inescapable part of this truth (Hanh, Jeffries 124). If the law is designed to ensure oppression of one group of people and the dominance of another, then those who see themselves as enforcers of that law must accept the role they play in racial oppression. It is an endangerment to the safety, dignity and humanity of Black lives to permit this system of oppression to continue unchallenged. WORKS CITED City of Boston. boston.gov/departments/police/brief-history-boston-police. Hahn, Harlan D., and Jeffries, Judson L. Urban America and Its Police: From the Postcolonial Era through the Turbulent 1960s. University Press of Colorado, 2003. Movement for Black Lives. http://www.m4bl.org/policy-platforms/ end-the-war-on-blackcommunities/. Ralph, Laurence. The Logic of the Slave Patrol: The Fantasy of Black Preda- 4 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America tory Violence and the Use of Force by the Police. Palgrave Communications, vol. 5, no. 1, 2019, pp. 110. Spruill, Larry H. Slave Patrols, Packs of Negro Dogs and Policing Black Communities. Phylon, vol. 53, no. 1, 2016, pp. 4266. Stoughton, Seth W. The Blurred Blue Line: Reform in an Era of Public & Private Policing. American Journal of Criminal Law, vol. 44, no. 2, Spring 2017, pp. 117-155. What is the Breathe Act? http://www.breatheact.org/learn-more/. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 5  ...

...  A special thanks to all the PVCC students who participated in this project. Your phenomenal work is what made this possible! INSIGHT AWARDS FOR EXCELLENCE The works selected for inclusion in the PVCC Insights Journal are selected through jurying process by the Editor in Chief and the Assistant Editors. The first three essays have earned special recognition for excellence by the jurors. VOL 2, SPR ING 2021 EDITOR IN CHIEF TODD PL AT TS A SSISTA NT EDITOR S M E L A N I E BA I L E Y, K I T DECK E R , A DA M JOH NSON, SUSH M A SH U K L A , J US T I N W E RT, TA M A R A W H Y T E DE SIGN & A RT DIR EC T ION GR A PH IC DE SIGN CLU B insights 1 Slave Patrols and the History of Policing in America S h e lo m ith G o n z a le z [first p la c e ] 6 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tradition A n n a H e e td e rks [se c o n d p la c e ] 12 17 20 24 28 32 37 41 45 A Womens Issue: Intersection of Gender, Incarcerated Motherhood and Race S ri K o d a k a lla [th ird p la c e ] Children from the Accomplishment of Natural Growth and Concerted Cultivation A u stin C o o p e r A Matter of Birth and Death: Racial Inequities in Maternal Mortality A m e lia H a m m e r Functional Foods: Eating to Heal K e lse y M isse l Society and Paranormal Belief B ra n d o n R . Pa rk e r The Utilization of Dreams in Asian Religions G id o n R o se n fe ld How Intentional Was the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? A n g e la S h u ltz The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism A n n m a rie S e w e ll The Residential School System and its Implications S k y la r R a y Tra in u m  Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America Slave Patrols and the History of Policing in America S h e lo m ith G o n z a le z [F IR S T P L A C E ] T he methods used by police to carry out their duty to protect and serve have been the center of controversy between law enforcement agencies and social justice advocates for decades. Historically, police killing of a Black person and the ensuing media coverage of the event has resulted in a period of intense focus on these issues and protests. However, the civil uprisings in response to the killings of Breonna Taylor in Kentucky on March 13, 2020, George Floyd in Minnesota a few months later, and video of Elijah McClains brutal treatment by police and paramedics resulting in his death in 2019, have proven to be distinct from the past in several ways. One of the notable differences is the resulting widespread call to radically reform the institution of policing (What is the Breathe Act?). The Movement for Black Lives is one of many organizations who are demanding action to dismantle the structures of our society perpetuating racism. One of their demands is to defund police and reinvest in community resources that improve Black lives (Movement for Black Lives Policy Platforms). Social media content, hashtags, news coverage and public statements by well-known corporations and public figures over the past few months have made the topic of defunding the police part of mainstream dialogue in this country. Some historians have argued that American policing is in fact a descendant of slave patrols and other strategies designed to maintain White Supremacy. Experts of this historical context believe that failure to recognize this fact is insensitive to the experience of Black people and that acknowledging this history is necessary in order to confront the issues of police violence today (Spruill 44). Some scholars offer a different perspective on how the institution evolved. Seth Stoughton, an assistant professor of law at the University of South Carolina, cites the model of British night watches as the model for policing in colonial America, but he is careful to note that this was particularly in the northern colonies and states... (123). The Boston Police Department is aligned with this perspective when it states that its roots can be found in the Boston Watch created in 1631 (City of Boston). Determining the validity of the connection between police today and institutions of White supremacy from the past is not just a subject matter for interesting debate. If the institution of policing descends directly from slave patrols, the unjustified violence experienced by Black communities at the hands of police is not a random event attributed to deviant officers of the law. It is the vestige of a system created by White INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 1 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America society to control and terrorize Black people. For Black Americans the implications of this debate are a matter of life and death. When we consider the early history of policing, there are clear differences between what motivated northern and southern communities to establish law enforcement agencies. The norths economy was only indirectly dependent on enslaved Black people. In the book Urban American and Its Police, co-authors and political science professors, Harlan Hahn and Judson L. Jeffries suggest that in northern cities the appointment of watches and constables was to provide for various types of public service that also included protecting their communities (1). Stoughton likewise portrays the function of constables as being a mix of mundane civic duties such as overseeing road repairs and collecting taxes along with a few elements of law enforcement (123). Hahn and Jefferies reveal however that even in northern cities race was a factor in the eventual movement towards a more structured, armed police force as White elite societys perception of risk to their communities increased when the immigrant population grew (3-4). The motives of southern White society for empowering groups to police others, however, is not at all nuanced. Larry Spruill, a professor of history at Morehouse College, identifies the foremost threat to the White persons way of life in the antebellum south as the enslaved Black community. The slave patrol was the slave-owners answer to that threat. The core values that guided the actions of slave patrols were preservation of the economy enabled by chattel slavery and the prevailing view that Black people were an inferior class of humans. Backed by legal authority established through slave laws and local courts, patrols could detain, interrogate and violently punish enslaved Black people for the slightest of perceived infrac2 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 tions. The very basis for the function of law enforcement at that time was the belief that all Black people were inherently dangerous, criminal and insubordinate and that White dominance needed to be maintained (49). New Orleans history offers an interesting window into the irony of White peoples perceptions about an armed police force monitoring their own behavior. In New Orleans slave patrols were formed out of fear that Black people and Native Americans would join forces against White enslavers as they had in 1729 during the Natchez Massacre. When government officials attempted to use the slave patrol model as the basis for arming their public police force, White residents objected to this vehemently, believing that only enslaved people deserved to be patrolled by an armed militia. Enough White voters believed this represented a violation of their civil liberties that New Orleans police lost the legal right to carry guns in 1830 (Ralph 3). In defending the use of weapons by police, the mayor of New Orleans used the sensationalized characterization of a fugitive slave named Bras-Coup to inflame the irrational fears of White people. Laurence Ralph, an anthropologist at Princeton University, argues that the same panic instilled in White people in New Orleans through racist rhetoric about the evil nature of Black people was what motivated cities across the south to eventually establish armed police forces. He goes on to assert that the same myths motivate the unjustified police shootings of Black people, citing the specifics of the killing of LaQuan McDonald as one example of this truth (5). Just as genetic descendants share a DNA pattern that is unmistakable, aspects of modern policing share a remarkable resemblance to that of their ancestral slave patrols. Spruill connects antebellum slave patrol practices with police strategies de- Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America ployed exclusively on black communities today. He uses the findings of a report published by the Department of Justice following the governments investigation into the death of Michael Brown to demonstrate this connection. In particular, he finds parallels in the Ferguson Police canine units used to attack Black people in that community and the packs of negro dogs used by slave patrols. (Spruill 42) Details of the DOJ report reveal that canine units were routinely deployed for unjustifiable reasons that resulted in puncture wounds to unarmed, non-violent people, including children. In every single incident reviewed by the investigators, the victims of the canine attacks were Black (Spruill 46). Spruill goes on to lay out the historical context necessary to comprehend the symbolic implications of using dogs in policing Black communities. Hunting humans with bloodhounds was a practice reserved exclusively for Black freedom seekers who escaped their enslavers. The point of using the negro dogs was to terrorize as much as it was to hunt and harm (53). Newspaper advertisements offering well trained dogs for hunting and catching slaves confirms there was a professional market for this service. Narrative accounts from enslaved Black people and archival writings of enslavers provide horrifying evidence of how common the use of negro hounds was (54). In contrast, after the Civil War the use of bloodhounds to attack northern White soldiers was considered a war crime and condemned as an act of inhumanity punishable by death (58).The fact that this practice was reserved for Black people only is an indication of how inferior they were thought to be in comparison to White people and represented a denial of their very humanity(45). During the Civil Rights movement dogs were frequently used to attack predominately Black protesters. Spruill quotes Dr. Martin Luther King in drawing attention to the powerful symbolism, Discrimination is a hellhound that gnaws at Negroes in every waking moment of their lives (qtd. in Spruill 60). The use of dogs by police to attack Black people today is both a symbolic emblem of the legacy of slave patrols and an unconstitutional practice that has gone unprosecuted today (44). There are other traces of shared DNA found between policing today and the methods first employed by slave patrols. The slave patrols function to constantly surveil Black people was driven by White societys need to control the enslaved communities and prevent uprisings (Spruill 43). Spruill quotes from a travel journal entry written in 1829 by a man visiting Richmond, Virginia who observed an armed officer standing watch at all times. A local resident informed him that it was necessary to have a small guard always under arms. It is the consequence of the nature of our colored population; but is done more as a preventive check than anything else it keeps all thoughts of insurrection out of the heads of the slaves,... (qtd. Spruill 50) Modern law enforcement uses the same language to justify heavy monitoring and patrolling of Black communities. A sociologist commented in 1944 that the real purpose of police in the South was to ...keep the Negroes intimidated, and sometimes they help preserve order (qtd. Hahn, Jeffries 125) Hahn and Jeffries acknowledge that routine patrolling represents a large part of police work, and yet it is mainly symbolic, has little substance and does not effectively control crime (18). The evidence is clear that throughout the past several decades the neighborhoods most heavily patrolled were Black communities (127). While there is no evidence to suggest that heavier patrolling significantly reduces crime, there is an abundance of evidence that the impact on Black communities has been deadly. A ProPublica report investigatINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 3 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America ed over 12,000 killings by police from 1980 to 2012. They find that young black males were 21 times more likely to be shot and killed than their white counterparts during police encounters (Ralph 2). Another study that analyzed data from 2013 to 2018 finds that, while Black people represent only 13% of the population, 25% of the victims were Black and 69% were unarmed (Ralph 2). The most evident common thread of DNA connecting police violence against Black people today and slave patrols in the past is the dehumanization of Black people stemming from the belief that they are inherently criminal, threatening and of less worth than White people. These beliefs were the framework for policies that to this day give legitimacy to police activity. In a survey of police officers in the 1960s done in eleven cities, 33% asserted that Negroes are basically violent and disrespectful and 30% of white officers labeled most Negroes as their enemies (Hanh, Jeffries 133). Compare Mayor Prieurs description of Bras-Coup as a fiend in human shape, and the New Orleans newspapers statement that fire shoots from his eyes (qtd. Ralph 8) to the testimony of Officer Jason Van Dyke in defense of his killing of LaQuan McDonald in 2014. Van Dyke describes McDonalds expressionless face and states that [h]is eyes were just bugging out of his head. He had just these huge white eyes, just staring right through me (qtd. Ralph 6) Van Dykes testimony is that it was this ap- pearance that created a perception of threat so strong that he shot McDonald who was carrying a knife, even after he had fallen to the ground, a total of sixteen times. We are at a pivotal time in the history of the fight to achieve a truly equitable existence for all Americans. An honest reflection on the data together with documented history of law enforcement in this country leads us to some very uncomfortable truths. Inevitably, we must question what is the intent of policing today? If it is motivated by the belief that Black people are inherently more criminal and dangerous, and that control of their communities is necessary in order to protect the order and safety of White communities, then we must face the truth that law enforcement are carrying out the same duties as antebellum slave patrollers, who after the Civil War passed the slave whip off to publicly funded police departments in a continuation of inhumane practices (Spruill 59). The legal component that functions to provide legitimacy to racial injustice in policing today is also an inescapable part of this truth (Hanh, Jeffries 124). If the law is designed to ensure oppression of one group of people and the dominance of another, then those who see themselves as enforcers of that law must accept the role they play in racial oppression. It is an endangerment to the safety, dignity and humanity of Black lives to permit this system of oppression to continue unchallenged. WORKS CITED City of Boston. boston.gov/departments/police/brief-history-boston-police. Hahn, Harlan D., and Jeffries, Judson L. Urban America and Its Police: From the Postcolonial Era through the Turbulent 1960s. University Press of Colorado, 2003. Movement for Black Lives. http://www.m4bl.org/policy-platforms/ end-the-war-on-blackcommunities/. Ralph, Laurence. The Logic of the Slave Patrol: The Fantasy of Black Preda- 4 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 Sl ave Patrols and the History of Policing in America tory Violence and the Use of Force by the Police. Palgrave Communications, vol. 5, no. 1, 2019, pp. 110. Spruill, Larry H. Slave Patrols, Packs of Negro Dogs and Policing Black Communities. Phylon, vol. 53, no. 1, 2016, pp. 4266. Stoughton, Seth W. The Blurred Blue Line: Reform in an Era of Public & Private Policing. American Journal of Criminal Law, vol. 44, no. 2, Spring 2017, pp. 117-155. What is the Breathe Act? http://www.breatheact.org/learn-more/. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 5 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tradition A n n a H e e td e rk s [S E C O N D P L A C E ] C harles Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition (Marrow) is a fictional retelling of the 1898 Wilmington riot in which white residents attacked and drove out of town thousands of black citizens (Bentley and Gunning, Introduction 4). Chesnutts own version, set in the fictional town of Wellington, embellishes the historical account with subplots and distinctive characters, which both drive the development of the story as a whole and symbolize different sets of values and attributes. Most importantly, the characters represent different classes. Class is as central to the plot of Chesnutts novel as race is. Marrow is about a black-white power struggle, which Chesnutt represents in the tension between the ascendant black middle class and the descendant white ruling class. Through the characters of Marrow, Chesnutt illustrates each classs reaction to this struggle, culminating in the Wellington riot. Captain George McBane is a rough, course, violent man who expresses nothing less than hatred towards African-Americans. Chesnutt writes that he had sprung from the poor-white class, to which, even more than to the slaves, the abolition of slavery had opened the door of opportunity (Chesnutt 64). McBane, stepping through this door, had made a good living off a contract with the state for convict labor, the post-Reconstruction practice of 6 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 using criminals, often black men convicted on questionable charges, as unpaid labor, prisoners were forced to work for little or no pay, writes Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow. Alexander further writes, those found with no lawful employment were deemed vagrants and convicted. Clearly, the purpose of...the vagrancy laws in particular was to establish another system of forced labor (28). In many regards, convict labor was slavery by another name. McBanes involvement in the questionable institution had been enough to make him quite rich, but not enough to raise his social standing. He is welcomed by Major Philip Carteret, the orchestrator of the Wellington riot, not as an equal, rather as an unpleasant but useful cobelligerent (Chesnutt 63). He is presented as an ambitious man, constantly seeking status and political power (Chesnutt 67), and he sees the power struggle as an opportunity for social mobility and recognition. Despite his wealth, he continues to be disdained by the white elite whose acceptance he so strongly desires. Cartaret views him as illiterate and vulgar, and is put off by his thirst for violence (Chesnutt 98). McBane had always grated upon his [Cartarets] sensibilities, Chesnutt writes (98). McBane sustains a deep hatred for the black race as a whole, in contrast with Cartaret, whose racism is limited to a desire to depose African-Amer- The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition icans from positions of power and put them back, as he sees it, in their rightful place (Chesnutt 99). Cartaret, however, knows this hatred is useful in pursuit of his goal and therefore he tolerates McBane. Cartarets relationship with McBane is emblematic of the tendency of the white elite to use the white working class as a terrorist arm to execute their white supremacist agenda (Gorman 2). The ruling class, while they may have found people such as McBane personally repugnant (Roe 3), were happy to perpetuate racism within the white working class as a means of keeping African-Americans down and preserving the authority and power of the white ruling class. Within the white working class, groups such as the White Labor movement sprung up and tapped into the fear of black social mobility. At the time of Marrows publishing, white unemployment was on the rise and African-Americans were taking over in many positions of power (Roe 3). The only advantage poor whites had was the color of their skin, and this they held on to as their last and only form of dominance. Alexander notes this in The New Jim Crow: In the antebellum South, the lowliest white person at least possessed his or her white skin- a badge of superiority over even the most skilled slave or prosperous free African American (27). For poor whites, unless African-Americans were at the bottom of the social order, it would be them, and this fear was exploited by the white ruling class. Even before the rise of the black middle class, the white ruling class faced problems. At the time of Marrows publishing, southern aristocracy was in decline and losing its grip on society. Chesnutt indicates this on the very first page of the novel as he introduces Major Carteret: Long ago, while yet a mere boy in years, he had come back from Appomattox to find his family, one of the oldest and proudest in the state, hopelessly impoverished by the war even their ancestral home swallowed up in the common ruin (Chesnutt 44). Cartaret, like so many southern aristocrats, found his family and honor ruined by the war. As he and the white ruling class as a whole struggled to regain their power, a new group was rising that posed a wholly unanticipated threat: the black middle class. Signs of this exchange of power were visible all-around Wellington, especially, as professor Bryan Wagner notes in Charles Chesnutt and the Epistemology of Racial Violence, in its buildings and architecture (Wagner 312). In Marrow, Olivia Cartarets aunt, Polly Ochiltree, embodies the anger and consternation of the white elite at this visible disruption to the structure of society. In the scene, Mrs. Ochiltree and Olivia pass by a new building, and Ochiltree notes that Hugh Poindexter (presumably a southern aristocrat) has been building a new house to replace the family mansion destroyed during the Civil War. Olivia corrects her: It isnt Mr. Poindexters house, Aunt Polly. That is the new colored hospital built by the colored doctor (Chesnutt 123). This information provokes an outburst of indignation from Mrs. Ochiltree: Hugh Poindexter has sold the graves of his ancestors to a negro, - I should have starved first!...The world is upside down (Chesnutt 123). The belief that the world is upside down as a result of black power and influence goads the white ruling class throughout the novel, eventually culminating in the riot. Despite his tenuous grip on power, Major Carteret fantasizes about a return to former glory for the southern aristocracy. He believes, as Chesnutt writes, in the divine right of white men and gentlemen, as his ancestors had believed in and died for the divine right of kings (64). This right would be exercised by winning the power struggle, by putting African-Americans, as he sees it, back in their place. As Chesnutt writes, Carteret hoped to vindicate the suINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 7 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition premacy of his race, and make the state fit for his son to live in (102). His plans for the riot are based in fear and resentment of losing his power to and being ruled by an inferior race (Chesnutt 64). A prominent theme throughout the book is Carterets belief that he and his class should dictate the order of society. This is shown by how he treats the black characters with whom he comes into contact. He treats his childs nurse, Mammy Jane, with an affection that, while condescending, seems genuine. She is allowed, even welcomed into his house. This starkly contrasts with his blatant refusal to allow Dr. Miller to set foot in his home. In the south, we do not call negro doctors to attend white patients, he tells Dr. Burns in Chapter VII. I could not permit a negro to enter my house upon such an errand (Chesnutt 88). If Miller were going as a servant, to hold a basin and a sponge, there would be no difficulty, observes a fellow doctor, Dr. Price (Chesnutt 86). Carteret is comfortable with African-Americans around him as long as they remain servants, but not in any other role. He sees himself and his class as the gatekeepers of society. William Miller is the embodiment of the black middle-class Carteret so loathes and fears. He is a successful and accomplished doctor, the son of a rich stevedore (Chesnutt 48). Intelligent, measured, and philosophical, Miller is respected and accepted by his white colleagues (Chesnutt 84), though this does not prevent him from being subjected to segregation and discrimination. On the train down from Pennsylvania to Wellington, he is separated from Dr. Burns, his white traveling companion, at Richmond, and forced to move to the colored car. Ironically, had he been Dr. Burns servant, he would have been permitted to stay, but because Burns indignantly claims him as his equal, he is told to leave (Chesnutt 77). Such is the ambiguous po8 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 sition of the middle-class African-American in The Marrow of Tradition. The rise of Millers class was considered by the white elite a historical impossibility (Wagner 313). Carterets white supremacist campaign is first and foremost one waged against the successful middle-class African-American, aimed at erasing the class from public memory (Wagner 332). The black middle class provokes a white identity crisis. Anxious and disoriented, they [the white characters] denounce the signs of Negro Domination they see everywhere in their city, signs that range from newly built African American public institutions to individual characters whose appearance of middle-class prosperity belies their supposed inferiority, writes Wagner (312). The black middle class challenged white elites perception and portrayal of African Americans and thus threatened their hold on society. If the black middle class was the manifestation of all that the white elite feared from African Americans, the black servant class was the ideal place for them to be. The negro is capable of a certain doglike fidelity, opines Major Cartaret, a certain personal devotion which is admirable in itself, and fits him eminently for a servile career (Chesnutt 59). The black servants in the novel, particularly Mammy Jane and Jerry, embrace their servanthood and express disapproval of those of their race who seek social equality with white citizens. They view the power struggle as unnecessary and unseemly. Is fetch my grandson Jerry up ter be umble an keep in is place, Mammy Jane tells Carteret. An I tells dese other n-----s ll dat ef deyd do de same, an not crowd de wite folks, deyd git ernuff ter eat, an live out deir days in peace an comfot (Chesnutt 71). Jerry, for his part, constantly seeks the approval of Cartaret and the other white gentlemen of Wellington. To please the white folks was Jerrys consistent aim in The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition life, writes Chesnutt (194). He relies on his ingratiation with them to protect him from violence during the riot, which it ultimately does not. In stark contrast to Jerrys policy of accommodation and appeasement stands Josh Green, one of the black working class. Greens father was killed by the Klu Klux Klan under the leadership of McBane, and Green hates McBane and thirsts for revenge (Chesnutt 113). At the start of the Wellington riot, instead of fleeing like most of the towns black population, Green forms a small group of like-minded black men with the intent of fighting back against the white supremacists. De wite folks are killin de n-----s, an we ain gwine ter stan up an be shot down like dogs, he tells Miller. Were gwine ter defen ou lives, an we ain gwine ter run away fm no place where weve got a right ter be (Chesnutt 217). Miller is unwilling to join the men, believing resistance to be futile. Green, disappointed but undeterred, presses on anyway (Chesnutt 219). Green, like McBane, views the power struggle not as an abstract battle of wills and ideologies, but as a physical battle to be fought. The Wellington riot is the violent culmination of the The Marrow of Tradition, and of the storys class and racial tension. It determines each characters destiny and hints at Chesnutts premonitions for the future of race and class in the American South. It starts with Dr. Miller, who, returning from a house call, is approached by groups of terrified African-Americans, who tell him the whites in Wellington are threatening to kill every African-American they meet (Chesnutt 216). Anxiety seizes Miller as he thinks of his wife and son, and he urgently drives towards town. Despite his middle-class respectability, he is stopped and searched multiple times by white men with guns (though most are apologetic) and encounters several black bodies lying in the streets (Chesnutt 222). Miller is met along the way by Lee Ellis, the young white man who works for Major Cartarets newspaper. Ellis is shocked by the violence of the riot, but cannot find the words to condemn it. He could not approve of the acts of his own people; Chesnutt writes, neither could he, to a negro, condemn them. Hence, he was silent (223). Ellis, the young, liberal, likeable middle-class professional, should have exemplified hopes for eventual solidarity with the black middle class, an opportunity for both middle classes to unite against the elite (Wise 173). But he chooses racial solidarity over class solidarity (Wise 174). Mammy Jane is killed in the riot, while Jerry is involuntarily conscripted by Josh Green into the defense party. I don wan ter fight, he protests. De wite folks ain gwine ter pester me; deyre my friends (Chesnutt 229). Green maintains his hold on Jerry, however, who is dragged along with the crowd to Millers hospital, which Greens men convert to a fort (Chesnutt 229). As Greens party bunkers down in the hospital, a crowd of angry whites gathers outside, including George McBane (Chesnutt 231). McBanes decision to remain in this violent scene long after the other white leaders have withdrawn sets him apart from the same white elites whose acceptance he so dearly desires, writes Gene Gorman in The Southern Literary Journal (2). While Cartaret is uncomfortable with violence, McBane revels in it. He loudly threatens Green and his men with death if they fight, but is interrupted by a gunshot, and the battle commences (Chesnutt 229). Major Carteret arrives on the scene highly distressed, having found out Mammy Jane has been killed. He loudly implores the mob to stop, but is misheard, and the crowd, seeing him, cheers the architect of the campaign, the champion of white supremacy, and proceeds to set the hospital on fire (Chesnutt 232). Jerry jumps out the window, calling for help from Carteret, but INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 9 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition is shot immediately, his trust in and ingratiation with the white folks failing to save him. As the hospital continues to burn, Green realizes that if he and his men stay in there any longer they will die like rats in a hole (Chesnutt 233). They rush out to meet the white mob. Green is shot by McBane but stabs him in the heart before dying, fulfilling his promise to avenge his fathers death (Chesnutt 234). Major Carteret returns home to find that his son has the croup due to being left, in the midst of the commotion, in a draft by an open window. (Chesnutt 235). The illness is life-threatening, and Carteret calls around to every doctor he can think of, but none are available. None, that is, except for William Miller. Despite the life of his child at stake, Carteret hesitates, but he gives in. He finds himself on Millers doorstep, pleading for help (Chesnutt 240). Fiat Justicia this chapter is called, but irony plays the leading role. Carteret, the consummate gentleman, the aristocrat, the white supremacist, is reduced to begging for the life of his young heir from a man who represents the class he most disdains and fears. Carteret standing on Millers porch is the face-to-face manifestation of Marrows defining power struggle. In Caste, Race, and Gender after Reconstruction, an analysis of Marrow in light of the social issues of Chesnutts day, Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning argue that Chesnutts portrayal of Miller implies that he believed the black middle class would lead African-American progress. They add, however, that Chesnutt makes Green, not Miller, the true leader of the story. Miller turns down the opportunity to be a figurehead of the resistance, leaving Green the symbolic leader of his people (Bentley and Gunning, Caste 254-55). But while Green may have been the leader, Miller is the last man standing. The ending of The Marrow of Tradition reveals Chesnutts premonitions for the outcome of the power struggle and for the future of class and race in the American South. George McBane and Josh Green kill each other, implying conflict in store for the white and black working classes. Lee Ellis aligns, if reluctantly, with his race over his class, dashing, at least temporarily, hopes for solidarity with the black middle class. Mammy Jane and Jerry are killed, demonstrating that no amount of subservience to the white powers-that-be will be enough to afford African-Americans security and protection. Dr. Miller, however, emerges not only alive, but in a position of power over Cartaret. His victory in the power struggle demonstrates Chesnutts belief that progress for African-Americans lay with the improbable, miraculous black middle class. WORKS CITED Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow. The New Press, 2010. Bentley, Nancy and Sandra Gunning. Introduction. The Marrow of Tradition, by Charles Chesnutt. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002, pp. 1-26. Bentley, Nancy and Sandra Gunning. Caste, Race, and Gender after Reconstruction. The Marrow of Tradition, by Charles Chesnutt. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002, pp. 249-55 Chesnutt, Charles. The Marrow of Tradition. Edited by Nancy Bentley and Sandra Gunning, Bedford/St. Martins, 2002. 10 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 The Power Struggle in The Marrow of Tr adition Gorman, Gene I. Awakening a Dormant Appetite: Captain McBane, Convict Labor, and Charles Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition. Southern Literary Journal, vol. 44, no. 2, 2012, pp. 1-18. Roe, Jae H. Keeping an Old Wound Alive: The Marrow of Tradition and the Legacy of Wilmington. African American Review, vol. 33, no. 2, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999, pp. 1-8. Wagner, Bryan. Charles Chesnutt and the Epistemology of Racial Violence. American Literature, vol. 73, no. 2, Duke University Press, 2001, pp. 311-37. Wise, Rachel A. Reading Rivalry, Race, and the Rise of a Southern Middle Class in Charles W. Chesnutts The Marrow of Tradition. Arizona Quarterly: A Journal of American Literature, Culture, and Theory, vol. 70, no. 3, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014, pp. 157-84. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 11 A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace A Womens Issue: Intersection of Gender, Incarcerated Motherhood and Race S ri K o d a k a lla [T H IR D PL AC E ] R ates of incarceration and length of prison sentences have increased dramatically in the past fifty years since the War on Drugs, a U.S. government-led initiative focused on reducing the trade of illegal drugs (Opsal and Foley 2013). Often, the consideration for discussing this increase has been focused on incarcerated mens issues: rates of recidivism, challenges or obstacles faced with re-entry, and the compounding factor of race in the struggle for successful reintegration after release. Incarceration and the obstacles faced in reintegration are gendered issues, faced differently by men and women. This difference is further experienced by incarcerated parents of minor children and by incarcerated people of color. While the number of incarcerated women is less than the number of incarcerated men and incarcerated women are more likely to serve shorter sentences than incarcerated men, nearly two-thirds of the incarcerated women are mothers to minor children and experience the circumstance of having to mother their children from a distance, find familial custody for their children, or are embedded with social services as their children are taken into foster care (Michalsen, Flavin, and Krupat 2010; Opsal and Foley 12 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 2013). In our current justice system, there is not enough done for incarcerated mothers during incarceration and in preparation for release to advance or improve potential for successful reintegration with the possibility of custody of their children intact, despite seeing beneficial and positive outcomes in maintaining mother-child relationships. This essay focuses on the blind spot of the American justice system in advocating for the compounded intersection of gender, incarceration, motherhood, and race, starting with a discussion of the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers of color (especially Black and Hispanic) in successfully re-integrating into society after release from prison (Opsal and Foley 2013). In consideration of these obstacles faced, this essay will review the current societal and judicial stereotype on motherhood which plays a significant role in the lives of incarcerated mothers who dont meet societal expectations of femininity (Garcia 2016). Finally, the importance of fostering mother-child relationships while incarcerated will be explored (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). These factors present only a portion of the narrative of struggles faced by incarcerated mothers; more research A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace regarding the intersection of incarcerated motherhood and race needs to be done in order to have a more adequate understanding of how best to encourage successful and equitable re-entry (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). OBSTACLES IN RE-ENTRY Re-entry upon release is a gendered issue for incarcerated women, as they experience greater difficulties with successful reintegration (Garcia 2016). In American society, men are more likely to be employed than women. White women are more likely to be employed than women of color. Within certain industries, there still exists a gender pay gap in employment with women of color making far less money than white women. These same demographic statistics apply for incarcerated individuals; however, having a record and being on parole makes it much harder. Incarcerated mothers (especially mothers of color) face insurmountable challenges with reintegration, in regards to obtaining employment, financial security, housing, custodial arrangements, parole requirements as well as dealing with mental and physical health issues (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Incarcerated women have difficulty finding stable employment upon release, as the job market looks down on individuals with a prior record and individuals on parole (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). This fact is compounded by gender issues in hiring and pay equality for women in the United States. With regards to obtaining employment after release, incarcerated women are considered to be doubly deviant in the eyes of employers (Opsal and Foley 2013). This standard weighs that incarcerated women are not only criminals, but also countering societal expectations of femininity with being tough or hardened through incarceration (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). With the addition of race- based stereotyping and bias, incarcerated women of color struggle with finding stable employment with adequate means to support themselves, let alone any minor children they have (Opsal and Foley 2013). Incarcerated women usually do not have money saved up upon release and must find a job to support themselves. Released incarcerated mothers are more likely to have been the sole providers for [their] children prior to incarceration and after release, must find ways to source income to be able to provide for their children (Opsal and Foley 2013). Often, the money they earn isnt enough to afford housing to live with their child or to pay for the livelihood of their kids. Upon release, incarcerated women must find housing conditions, but there are limited housing options for recently released convicts (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Options for housing are even more sparse for women of color. Incarcerated women of color are more likely to end up in housing in racially-segregated communities where there exists greater economic disadvantage, high crime, and a dearth of public resources (Opsal and Foley 2013). These group housing situations dont afford the option for mothers to be able to live with their children (Garcia 2016). Incarcerated women who are able to rely on family support in the form of housing and child custody are more likely to succeed in re-entry (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). Depending on the length of time of incarceration, incarcerated mothers must juggle the expectations of the court system to attend hearings, to meet parole requirements, to find housing to live with their children, and to have stable employment or financial security, in order to obtain custody of their children. Since the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, incarcerated mothers (often women of color) released after longer sentences (greater than 15 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 13 A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace months) lose custody of their children to the foster care system (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). In order to meet parole and stay out of prison, newly released women are required to meet state and federal requirements of finding stable employment, housing, and completing regular drug testing. For incarcerated mothers, this first year of parole is critical in ensuring they are able to stay out of prison, in order to even physically be present for their children. Without familial support, meeting the dual requirements of parole officers as well as the court system and social services is impossible (Opsal and Foley 2013). Finally, incarcerated women experience mental and physical health issues (either from incarceration or pre-incarceration), which impedes their ability to succeed upon re-entry. These women have limited to no access to healthcare or substance abuse care while in prison and these issues persist upon leaving prison, often to their own detriment (Opsal and Foley 2013). Federal and correctional policies disproportionately affect women of color and low-income women (Opsal and Foley 2013). Roughly half of repeat incarcerated, low-income women of color receive little to no treatment for ongoing mental health issues (Opsal and Foley 2013). In order to be able to attain healthcare, reform, or rehabilitation upon release, these women must find employment and financial security. As illustrated above, the expectations of incarcerated women upon release is a juggling act with knives, putting these women in repeatedly punitive positions to not succeed in reintegration. A newly released mothers success (if there is to be any) relies on having family or others to take care of her children, while she navigates the requirements of her parole (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). 14 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 THE STEREOTYPE OF MOTHERHOOD AND THE STIGMATIZATION OF INCARCER ATED MOTHERS There exists a developed stigma, in society and ultimately mirrored in our justice system, around incarcerated mothers who are subsequently considered bad or unfit mothers due to their incarceration (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). This stigma has led to unequal treatment toward incarcerated mothers if and when they dont meet the general expectations of traditional motherhood and femininity. There is a homogeneous understanding of motherhood tied to physically living with your children, fully financially supporting your children, and nurturing your childrens growth into future successes (Garcia 2016). This vision of motherhood is not that for incarcerated mothers nor for mothers of color. The question of how a child should be raised is a race-based and income-based issue, often being seen differently within families of color, immigrant families, or low-income families. Immigrant mothers often want for their children to have far more than they ever did. Black women must engage in motherwork to empower their children with the acknowledgment that there exist systemic issues that will impede their ability to succeed always and that there are inherent dangers to living while Black (Garcia 2016). Incarcerated mothers whove experienced the penal system raise their children differently through tough love parenting with the intention of not wanting their kids to end up like them or to be aware of the struggles at an earlier age (Garcia 2016). This experience of motherhood is different than those of White mothers or White middle-class mothers; incarcerated women (especially those of color) cannot just impart wisdom to their children about focusing on attaining a good education and earning a living (Garcia 2016). Our world is experi- A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace enced differently by those of color and by those of low-income. Our current justice system, with regards to child custody, hands down judgments on the basis of living arrangements (whether a child lives with the mother or not), financial stability (stable employment or savings), and any custodial agreements (familial support for the child) to determine whether a mother can be involved in a childs life or not (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). These expectations are independent of whether a mother is incarcerated. Newly released mothers are unable to meet all of these standards while meeting the requirements of parole and especially within the allotted timeline before losing custody or access to their children. Due to systemic racial discrepancy and disadvantage in our court system, incarcerated mothers of color are more likely to be unable to meet these expectations and lose access to their children (Garcia 2016). Our system must evolve from the white homogenous understanding of motherhood to adapt to the ways in which individuals can be good parents even without living with their children and in acknowledging how even just the maintenance of a relationship between a mother-child improves a childs wellbeing (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). FOSTERING MOTHER-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS Children of incarcerated parents experience instability due to the separation of familial ties, especially experiencing emotional turmoil regarding the incarceration of their mother. Due to the disruption in their relationships with their family and to their steady home life, these children often experience instability in their housing situations, educational achievement, and suffer from mental health issues which cause them to behave aggressively, break rules, or drop out of school (Garcia 2016). While parental incarceration is problematic for these children, what is more traumatic is the loss of the connection to their parent entirely. Knowing that incarcerated women are likely to serve shorter prison sentences than men and likely to be released on parole on an average of 18 served months, the separation between mother and child is temporary (Michalsen et al. 2010). This short-term incarceration should not create a lasting ripple effect where the mother no longer has any access to their child after release and that the separation between mother and child becomes permanent. Children of incarcerated mothers are more likely to have lived with their mothers prior to incarceration and are more unduly harmed by this separation (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010). In order to ensure the childs wellbeing, structure, and sense of their identity, we must create greater opportunities for children to be able to access their mothers while incarcerated through extended visiting hours or correctional reforms (Michalsen et al. 2010). Convicted mothers of non-violent crimes shouldnt be in prison, but rather in community correctional programs which advocate for self-improvement and keep the family unit together (Michaelsen et al. 2010). There are benefits to the incarcerated mother being able to see their child. Access to their children encourages a sense of hope of a future after release, provides for potential motivation to stay away from drugs and crime and facilitates reintegrative efforts (potentially reducing recidivism, encouraging a smoother re-entry, and promoting rehabilitation) (Michalsen et al. 2010). If we want to ensure that every child and family can succeed when given the opportunity, our justice and correctional systems must evolve to meet that standard INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 15 A Women s Issue: Intersection of Gender , Incarcer ated Motherhood and R ace (Michalsen et al. 2010). GAPS IN THE NARR ATIVE: OPPORTUNITIES FOR FURTHER RESEARCH In order to fully ascertain how to remedy or alleviate the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers, there needs to be more empirical research in understanding the intersection of incarceration, motherhood, and race. There is homogeneity presented in the experiences of incarcerated motherhood as there is a lack of data on the differences in experiences faced by incarcerated mothers of varying racial and ethnic backgrounds (Garcia 2016). Often, current data discusses incarcerated women of color as a unit, aggregating systemic disadvantage to all women of color rather than discussing the nuances of disadvantage faced. Black and Hispanic women in the United States serve longer prison sentences than white women (Opsal and Foley 2013). Due to these longer sentences and the stipulations of the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, incarcerated Black and Hispanic mothers to minor children are, in general, less likely to be able to regain custody of their children (unless the children are already in the care of family) (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). The current presentation of empirical data suggests that all incarcerated women face the same struggles with reentry into society after release. While not untrue, it doesnt fully share the further struggles faced by incarcerated single mothers of color in our society for attaining safe housing, financial stability, and secure employment. Our understanding of the narratives of incarcerated mothers of color can be enriched through empirical study of the rates of recidivism, successful re-entry, and obtainment of custody (Garcia 2016; Opsal and Foley 2013). CONCLUSION In reviewing the challenges faced by incarcerated mothers after release, the societal expectations of motherhood, and the beneficial outcomes associated with fostering incarcerated mother-child relationships, we can see that our narrative understanding of incarcerated mothers (especially those of color) is nuanced and complex (Garcia 2016; Michalsen et al. 2010; Opsal and Foley 2013). The American judicial and correctional system, while acknowledging the obstacles faced by incarcerated mothers, has not actively alleviated or remediated these issues (Michalsen et al. 2010). With all of the societal and judicial challenges faced by incarcerated individuals within the penal system and upon release, how can these individuals also be expected to be available parents? If we seek to aid incarcerated mothers (especially those of color who receive greater disadvantage), we must make more active efforts to adapt our systems to maintain and sustain relationships with their children, while also encouraging success for the family unit through aiding the individual with access to housing, finances, employment, and achievement of parole requirements upon release. REFERENCES Garcia, Janet. 2016. Understanding the Lives of Mothers after Incarceration: Moving Beyond Socially Constructed Definitions of Motherhood. Sociology Compass 10(1): 3-11. Michalsen, Venezia, Jeanne Flavin, and Tanya Krupat. 2010. More than Visiting Hours: Maintaining Ties Between Incarcerated Mothers and Their Children. Sociology Compass 4(8): 576-591. Opsal, Tara, and Allison J. Foley. 2013. Making it on the Outside: Understanding Barriers to Womens Post-Incarceration Reintegration. Sociology Compass 7(4): 265-277. 16 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation Children from the Accomplishment of Natural Growth and Concerted Cultivation A u s tin C o o p e r W hen people have children, they seemingly have their own ideas of how they want their children live and behave. Sociologists have examined how parents influence their children through the act of parenting. While admittedly an oversimplification of the dynamics involved in parenting, Annette Lareaus (2006) ideal typical models of the accomplishment of natural growth and concerted cultivation have been widely adopted in research (e.g., Calarco 2011, Streib 2011). In brief, the accomplishment of natural growth is a parenting style associated with working-class individuals wherein parents enroll their children in a minimal number of organized, age-specific leisure activities (e.g., soccer, basketball, baseball/softball). Parents see strict boundaries between children and adult authority figures. As a result, accomplishment of natural growth parents are more prone to command their children to do chores and other activities and to engage in corporal punishment. Concerted cultivation is a parenting style associated with middle- and upper-middle-class individuals where parents will try to actively nurture their childrens talents by enrolling them in many organized, age-specific leisure activities. Parents do not see strict boundaries between children and adult authority figures. Accord- ingly, concerted cultivation parents are less likely to command their children to chores or other activities and less likely to engage in corporal punishment. Instead, concerted cultivation parents prefer to negotiate with their children; they even encourage and coach their children on interacting with adult authority figures. The models are offered as theoretical constructions for the purpose of comparison. No individual will perfectly fit into one of the models, but they will be in one more than the other. Unsurprising then, the individuals who experience concerted cultivation or accomplishment of natural growth develop differing orientations to the social world as early as age four according to Jessi Streib (2011). Moreover, these upbringings significantly impact school performance. Namely, concerted cultivation children have advantages over accomplishment of natural growth children in school. With this in mind, this essay describes how children from both models orient themselves to schooling, highlighting from preschool to college. As noted above, Jessi Streib (2011) has documented behavioral differences in children from the accomplishment growth and concerted cultivation as early as four. Strieb (2011) conducted ethnographic research in preschools where she gathered INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 17 Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation information regarding the class backgrounds of each child based on interviews with parents and observations of children. She determined that working-class children generally experienced parenting consistent with the accomplishment of natural growth model while middle-class children generally experienced parenting consistent with the concerted cultivation model. She found that concerted cultivation children were more outgoing with daycare workers, often interrupting the workers when they wanted to make a comment or to ask general questions (345). Concerted cultivation children could even get daycare workers to take preferred toys away from accomplishment of natural growth children to play with. They also routinely asked for assistance in putting on extra clothes such as coats and gloves. By contrast, accomplishment of natural growth children were more reticent to interrupt daycare workers. They rarely questioned or challenged daycare workers. While this difference might seem innocuous or temporary (children can grow out of such behaviors), it actually disadvantaged working-class children. At this early age, middle-class children grew comfortable interacting with adult authority figures, which eventually would become teachers. This would set concerted cultivation children up for easier success in primary school. The behaviors of children in preschool, while not deterministic, sets the groundwork for how they will behave when starting primary school (Calarco 2011). Picking up where Strieb (2011) concluded, Jessica McCrory Calarco (2011) examined a group of third, fourth, and fifth graders. Much like Striebs research, Calarco collected social class backgrounds of each child involved in her study. She found that middle-class children, or those reared on the concerted cultivation model, were more willing to ask for help on class assignments and homework. Since the middle-class chil18 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 dren were comfortable having the teacher assist them so much, they began to expect customized accommodations for their needs and questions. Often this led to the children requesting to take re-tests and to get extra credit. Working-class children, or those reared on the accomplishment of natural model were more hesitant to ask their teachers for assistance. These children did ask for information on assignments and tests, but never asked if their work was correct or if the teacher could help them compose the correct answer or if they could resubmit assignments. In one telling instance, a working-class boy was observed listening to a conversation between a teacher and middle-class boy who asked for help. These patterns continued through junior high and high school where the middle-class advantage in school continued to grow (Lareau 2006). Inequality research suggests early advantages can accrue into larger advantages, especially when people reach adulthood (Lareau 2015). Lareaus original research occurred through 1990s and has followed the children into adulthood. As adults, those raised under the accomplishment of natural growth mostly became independently responsible for themselves. They firmly understood the benefits of college education, but encountered more struggles than their concerted cultivation counterparts. This is not to say they uniformly struggled (one respondent earned a medical degree from Columbia University), just more than concerted cultivation individuals. Those who experienced concerted cultivation were more likely to find success as adults, although some encountered significant hardships. For their part, concerted cultivation parents remained deeply involved in the lives of their children, often assisting with bills and various crises. Accomplishment of the natural growth parents were still involved in the lives of their children as well, Children from the Accomplishment of Natur al Grow th and Concerted Cultivation but offered less monetary help for bills and crises. In sum, the inequalities seeded at an early-age seemingly reverberate across the lifespan. Social class may not be deterministic, but it is very influential. REFERENCES Calarco, Jessica McCrory. 2011. I Need Help! Social Class and Childrens Help-Seeking in Elementary School. American Sociological Review 76(6): 862-882. Lareau, Annette. 2006. Concerted Cultivation and the Accomplishment of Natural Growth. Pp. 335-344 in Childhood Socialization, edited by Gerald Handel. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transaction. Lareau, Annette. 2015. Cultural Knowledge and Social Inequality. American Sociological Review 80(1): 1-27. Streib, Jessi. 2011. Class Reproduction by Four Year Olds. Qualitative Sociology 34(2): 337-352. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 19 A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y A Matter of Birth and Death: Racial Inequities in Maternal Mortality A m e lia H a m m e r H ave you ever heard a loved one announce that theyre expecting a baby? How did you feel? Were you excited about the new addition, or were you terrified for their survival? Did you have to pray that you were only going to have to plan a baby shower and not a funeral? In my personal experience, pregnancy has always been filled with joy, excitement, maybe a little bit of uncertainty, but never fear. This likely is primarily because Im white. When I first read that statistically, Black women are three to four times more likely to die during, or as a complication of pregnancy and childbirth than white women, I was astounded and horrified. As someone studying to be a labor and delivery nurse, I immediately set my sights toward finding solutions. I quickly realized that this is an extremely multifaceted issue, and the roots of the problem have to be understood before remedies can be discussed. This ultimately led me to ask myself: how has Americas history of institutional racism influenced the increased maternal mortality (death) rates for Black women? Since the murder of George Floyd, support and awareness has increased for movements like Black Lives Matter, which has, in turn, brought tough conversations about racial inequities in the United States to the forefront. While all progress is great, unfortunately, one conversation that still 20 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 seems to get vastly swept under the rug is that of Black maternal mortality and morbidity. If every American took just a moment to think about the pain they would experience if they lost a wife, mother, sister, or friend to a generally preventable death during a time that should be filled only with new life, it would be glaringly apparent how vital this problem is to understand and discuss. As with many of the harmful inequities facing the Black community, this issue took root during slavery, gradually evolving into what it is today. In their article Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery, historians Deidre Cooper Owens, Ph.D., and Sharla M. Fett, Ph.D. begin to explain the links between modern medicine and slavery, asserting, An honest examination of racism as a widespread affliction of American medical practice must acknowledge that the medical profession was entangled in the institution of slavery from its beginnings (Owens and Fett). White physicians worked exclusively for slave owners and were only interested in the health of enslaved people when it was affecting their ability to work. Black women were considered an especially valuable commodity because, beginning in 1662, any children of enslaved women were born into slavery, thus creating more free labor. This practice became infinitely A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y more important to slaveholders when slave import was banned in 1808 because no new slaves were being shipped into America. Black women were treated like livestock to be bred; and with this, came a deepened fascination around Black womens fertility. This led to surgeons like Franois Marie Prevost conducting reproductive experiments on non-consenting enslaved women. Prevosts experiments eventually led to the creation and refinement of the modern-day Caesarian section; a surgery that benefits many women of all races today, but to the detriment of many Black women in the past. Like the C-section, numerous modern obstetric procedures and practices were developed through the torture of enslaved women, leading to the well-founded discomfort and mistrust that Black women often still hold toward the field of obstetrics. Many people believe there is no medical discrimination or bias currently affecting Black women because those practices occurred in the past. This assumption is simply not true. Unfortunately, the experiments performed on enslaved women have led to various medical fallacies still believed by a significant number of medical professionals. For example, a 2016 study conducted by the Institute of Medicine found that out of 210 white medical residents, 25% believed that Black people have thicker skin than white people and, 4% still believed that Black people had faster blood coagulation rates and felt less pain (Worcester). These fallacies all sprang from American slavery, and yet are believed by some over 150 years after its abolition. Furthermore, even if physicians do not believe these fallacies, many still hold an implicit bias toward Black women, yielding a far lower standard of care. Black mothers are frequently dismissed or under-treated when advocating for their pregnancy-related ailments or even blamed for them outright, often leading to preventable deaths or severe complications. It is a common misconception by both the public and the medical community that the causes for the increased rates of maternal mortality and morbidity can be explained by socioeconomic differences or differences in education level. However, this has been found time and time again to be untrue. In fact, Jamila K. Taylor, Ph.D., director of health care reform at Century Foundation, in her article, Structural Racism and Maternal Health Among Black Women, remarks Black women, regardless of social or economic status, are more likely to die of pregnancy-related causes. This is even true when compared with white women who never finish high school (Taylor). Kira Johnson is a name that comes up frequently in this discussion. She was a 39-year-old highly educated Black woman, wife, and mother of one (soon to be two) sons. Everyone who knew Kira personally described her as invincible, and understandably so. Kira spoke five different languages, enjoyed sky diving and flying planes, and was a successful entrepreneur. On April 12, 2016, Kira and her husband were elated to welcome their new son into the world via C-section, completing their family. However, shortly after the procedure, Kiras husband noticed blood in her catheter line. When he alerted the nurses and other medical personnel of their concerns, they were ignored and forced to wait an entire seven hours for any help, despite their increasingly frantic pleas. Eventually, Kira was sent into a second surgery, where they discovered three liters of blood in her abdomen due to a postpartum hemorrhage. Her heart stopped on the operating table, leaving a heartbroken widower, and two motherless sons behind because of her likely preventable death (Taylor). Unfortunately, Kiras story, while heartbreaking, is far from being unique. Along with both historical and inINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 21 A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y stitutional racism, Black mothers also have another battle to fight: stress. When humans are exposed to stressors, our central nervous systems release a flood of chemicals like adrenaline and cortisol. Evolutionarily, this process developed so that we could run away or fight any predators or attackers that were causing the stress, making it an extremely necessary and useful mechanism. However, when exposed to high levels of stress for extended periods, it can actually begin to harm or degrade essential systems in the body, like the cardiovascular, immune, and metabolic. To put it simply: stress can make us sick. In an article titled The Hidden Toll, published in The New York Times Magazine, author and journalist Linda Villarosa describes a theory developed by Dr. Arline Geronimus, a professor at the University of Michigans School of Public Health, which Dr. Geronimus termed weathering. Villarosa explains, She believed that a kind of toxic stress triggered the premature deterioration of the bodies of African-American women as a consequence of repeated exposure to a climate of discrimination and insults (Villarosa). Living as a Black woman in America causes such high-stress levels for such lengthy periods because they are exposed to frequent traumatic situations, insults, and consistent micro-aggressions. Enduring these experiences for long enough causes their stress response to become over-activated: a state that cannot simply be fixed with a bubble bath and cup of tea. Dr. Geronimus later went on to research weathering more deeply, and in a 2006 study, she and her colleagues concluded that persistent racial differences in health may be influenced by the stress of living in a race-conscious society. These effects may be felt particularly by WORKS CITED 22 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 black women because of [the] double jeopardy of gender and racial discrimination (Villarosa). In short, dealing with racism in the United States can pit Black womens own bodies against them. This can be particularly detrimental during pregnancy when health complications are more prevalent, to begin with. As I previously mentioned, the inequitable Black maternal mortality rate is an extremely multifaceted issue, which cannot be linked to a single factor or solved by any one solution. But to begin understanding the problem, history, current societal practices and beliefs, physiological factors, and medical practices all have to be heavily examined. There is a history of racism and discrimination against Black women and mothers dating back hundreds of years to American slavery. Many of the most helpful and widely used obstetric practices of today arose from despicable crimes committed against enslaved women. While these critical medical advancements stood the test of time, so did many harmful biases against the Black community; all too often leading to lowered standards of care, blatant medical negligence, and outright mistreatment. Along with the medical field, American society as a whole should be held accountable. It not only fosters an environment for Black mothers dying preventable deaths at horrifically high rates to fly under the radar, but it also endows these women with such heightened stress levels that they often develop physical ailments as a result. I wholeheartedly believe that this can eventually be remedied, but that will only happen when the medical community, and the general public, work together. This must all begin with education, awareness, and those tough conversations. A Matter of Birth and De ath: R acial Inequities in Maternal Mortalit y Owens, Deirdre Cooper, and Sharla M. Fett. Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery. American Journal of Public Health, vol. 109, no. 10, 2019, pp. 13421345. Taylor, Jamila K. Structural Racism and Maternal Health Among Black Women. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, vol. 48, no. 3, 2020, pp. 506517. Villarosa, Linda. The Hidden Toll. The New York Times Magazine, 15 Apr. 2018. Worcester, Sharon. AMERICAS CRISIS: The Role of Structural Racism and Implicit Bias. OB GYN News, May 2020. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 23 F unctional Foods: E ating to He al Functional Foods: Eating to Heal K e ls e y M is s e l W hy do you eat? You eat because you are hungry, or perhaps because you are bored. You eat because it brings you enjoyment or comfort. You eat because food is essential to life. But what if you could eat to heal your body? This is a question that many who struggle with chronic illness find themselves asking their physician as they search for alternative ways to control their health and symptoms. One such chronic illness is rheumatoid arthritis. Rheumatoid arthritis, or RA, does not discriminate and attacks men, women, and children at any age. It is a debilitating autoimmune disease that affects a persons joints and causes pain, swelling and joint destruction, eventually leading to loss of function. There is currently no cure for RA and results with disease modifying medications are less than satisfactory. In fact, recent studies show that 75% of people with RA are unhappy with their current treatment plan and continue to experience symptoms (Levine). It is no wonder then why people are desperate to find alternative methods to alleviate their discomfort. I understand first-hand the disparity of endless doctors appointments and placebo like medications and treatments. Two years ago, I was diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis. Recently, in an attempt to find added relief, I began to experiment with dietary manipulations. I began to limit my intake of animal products and followed a strictly gluten free diet. By no means were these changes a miracle solution, but after a 24 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 few months I noticed I was having decreased pain and stiffness in my joints. My almost constant brain fog was dissipating, my face looked less swollen, and I even began to lose weight without adjusting my caloric intake. This has led me to wonder what the potential benefits of a diet free from inflammatory foods, such as red meat and gluten, are for people with rheumatoid arthritis. Is it possible that dietary manipulations could help those with chronic illnesses find added relief from their symptoms? Limited success with medications and the harsh side effects that accompany these treatments has led to increasing frustration and desperation for RA patients. In a recent study, Dr. Humeira Badsha, a Consultant Rheumatologist at Dr. Humeira Badsha Medical Center, emphasizes that, ... RA remission rates are low. Approximately 50% of patients experimented with unorthodox treatments and diet...in an attempt to gain better disease control (19). Similarly, Sara K. Tedeschi and her team of researchers at Brigham and Womens Hospital in Boston, MA remarks that, patient interest in the effect of diet on RA has been noted for decades (1920). The observation of these researchers is supportive evidence that despite disease modifying medications, people are still seeking ways to manage their symptoms more effectively. As the interest in alternative treatments through diet manipulation has risen, researchers have begun to investigate the benefits, and lim- F unctional Foods: E ating to He al itations, of diet in RA patients. Ingild Hafstrm and his team of leading researchers and physician at Huddinge University Hospital in Stockholm, Sweden, sought to illuminate the effects of dietary manipulation on patients with RA. Their study utilized multiple markers for improvement of symptoms. These included standardized criteria developed by the American College of Rheumatology known as ACR20 which is used to measure physical changes. They also measured the results based on lab and radiographic changes. After nine months of a strict vegan and gluten free diet, in conjunction with their previously prescribed medications, 40.9% of the experimental group experienced improvements based on the ACR20 criteria, compared to only 4% of the control group. These included improvements of tender and swollen joints, in patient and/or physician assessment, reduced occurrence of acute pain, and greater ability to perform daily activities. The experimental group also noted decreases in C-reactive protein levels, which indicates lower levels of inflammation. The impact of similar manipulations is seen in the aforementioned study by Sara K. Tedeschi and her team, who classified the effects of 20 inflammatory and anti-inflammatory foods on a panel of 217 RA patients. The results determined that nearly one-quarter of RA subjects with longstanding disease reported that diet had an effect on their RA symptoms (Tedeschi et al., 1920), demonstrating that a significant percentage of the participants did indeed find benefits from dietary manipulations. Their physical symptoms, such as pain, swelling and fatigue, improved with the consumption of anti- inflammatory foods such as blueberries and fish and worsened with inflammatory foods such as those containing sugar and wheat products. These studies support the correlation between diet and RA symptoms. By implementing a diet free from inflammatory foods whilst continuing their usual medications, roughly half of the participants in each study experienced a reduction in not only physical symptoms, but also in laboratory indictors of disease such as CRP levels. This is promising news for patients seeking better disease control by means of dietary manipulation. Beyond the impact of the foods themselves, the idea of the connection between a patients gastrointestinal microbiome and their health has resulted in a secondary area of interest in many of these studies. It is widely accepted in the medical field that gastrointestinal health directly correlates with a persons overall health. In her recent study, Dr. Humeira Badsha discussed the theory that GI microbiome and RA are believed to be connected. She further explained that, dietary changes can impact the human intestinal microbiome leading to local inflammation and increased permeability (Badsha, 20). She believes that GI microbiome manipulation, as a result of dietary modification, does change the disease progression and symptoms in RA patients. Or in other words, a healthier gut generally results in a decrease in symptoms. Badshas observation that the GI microbiome and RA is related is well supported by others. During their study on dietary manipulations Luis Vitetta and his colleagues, professors and researchers at several prestigious medical institutions in Australia, also observed that RA is associated with an increased prevalence of gastrointestinal tract symptoms (1). They revealed that the GI microbiome in RA patients differs from that of healthy control patients. In fact, many similarities are seen between the GI health of patients with Celiac, an autoimmune gluten intolerance, and RA patients. As bacteria travels through the intestines, those with more penetrable GI tracts, such as people with RA, experiINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 25 F unctional Foods: E ating to He al ence an inflammatory immune response as toxins escape the intestinal barrier. These studies propose that by healing the gut and decreasing permeability through dietary manipulations patients can strengthen their intestinal barrier thus reducing the amount of inflammation circulating in the body. Although there is promising evidence that diet manipulation provides benefits for people with RA, there are limitations to these benefits and a need for additional, high quality studies. The majority of the studies I encountered in my research had one recurring similarity; Young, newly diagnosed participants were not included in the studies. For example, in the study conducted by Hafstrm the majority of the participants disease duration was 5-6 years and the median age was roughly 50 years old. These factors limit the implications of the results as there is no data provided on the effects of diet manipulation on young, recently diagnosed patients. This study was also limited by its small sample size and the fact that many of the participants did not complete the study. Similarly, in the study conducted by Tedeschi and her team their participant group had a median age of 58 and a median disease duration of 17 years. This is particularly unfortunate because their research revealed that the youngest of the participants reported that foods effected their symptoms more frequently than with the older participants. Could this mean that the biology of a younger patient is more receptive to the dietary manipulations? These studies also make it clear that research into dietary manipulations on symptoms of RA lack a standardized way of quantifying symptoms. While Hafstrms study utilized the most rigorous and scientific method of classifying the benefits of diet on symptoms, others such as Tedeschis study relied on mail-in surveys with no way to verify the results. One of the most insightful com26 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 ments on the limitations of current studies is expressed by Dr. Humeira Badsha who references the difficulty in designing and implementing them because it requires patients to alter their lifestyle. This leads to low participation and compliance and high study dropout rates. This was demonstrated in Hafstrms study where 30% of the participants dropped out of the study before its conclusion. This reveals that for many, a long-term commitment to these diets is too difficult and may be part of the reason they do not experience the full benefits of dietary change. Another observation is that although these studies were conducted years apart, there is little improvement in the understanding of the disease or treatments noted within the studies. While additional disease modifying medications have been introduced, patients in the study conducted by Hafstrm nearly 20 years ago were medically managed similarly to the patients in Tedeschis study from only 4 years ago. Management with corticosteroids and disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs remains the treatment of choice. This demonstrates that options for patients with RA are limited and arguably outdated. Due to the difficulty in effectively managing the disease it is no wonder that physicians utilize a trial-and-error method for the treatment of RA. If one medication does not yield results a patient is simply switched to the next medication. This seems like an antiquated method of care. With growing knowledge of diet and its effect on bodily systems, it is disappointing that more attention has not been given to the potential benefits of dietary manipulations on RA. RA is a harsh disease that causes social, emotional, and physical changes to those it affects including painful and tender joints, fatigue, and loss of daily function. If dietary manipulation could successfully result in the reduction of these symptoms, F unctional Foods: E ating to He al it could be lifechanging for the roughly 20 million people worldwide who are affected by the disease (Cowen). Certainly, these studies have demonstrated that there is promising evidence for the effects of diet on RA symptoms, but the clinical trials performed have limitations. Physicians lack evidence-based research on dietary manip- ulations leaving patients to experiment with alterations on their own. Medications will continue to be the primary choice for RA patients, but one can only hope that with a commitment to additional research dietary manipulations could become a viable option for patients when medications alone do not provide satisfactory relief. WORKS CITED Badsha, Humeira. Role of Diet in Influencing Rheumatoid Arthritis Disease Activity. The Open Rheumatology Journal, vol. 12, 8 Feb. 2018, pp. 19-28. Cowen, Laura. Global RA Burden Significant, Yet Under-Recognized. MedicineMatters. 17 Sept. 2019. Levine, Beth. Most People With Rheumatoid Arthritis Are Not Happy With Treatment. Everyday Health, Everyday Health Inc., 17 Sept. 2019. Hafstrm, I, et al. A Vegan Diet Free of Gluten Improves the Signs and Symptoms of Rheumatoid Arthritis: the Effects on Arthritis Correlate with a Reduction in Antibodies to Food Antigens. Rheumatology, vol. 40, no. 10, October 2001, pp. 11751179. Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/rheumatology/40.10.1175. Tedeschi, Sara K., et al. Diet and Rheumatoid Arthritis Symptoms: Survey Results from a Rheumatoid Arthritis Registry. Arthritis Care and Research, vol. 69, no. 12, 19 Feb. 2017, pp 1920-1925. Vitetta, Luis, et al. Dietary recommendations for patients with rheumatoid arthritis: a review. Nutrition and Dietary Supplements, vol. 2012, no. 4, June 2012, pp. 1-15. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 27 Societ y and Par anormal Belief Society and Paranormal Belief Bran d o n R . Parke r C old, dank, and dreary areas, floating orbs in the night sky, flickering lights, creaking old floorboards, whispers heard through the winds, and ghostly forms passing just out of sight are events that all seem to share commonalities. Many people in societies across the globe believe these occurrences, as well as others, are the physical manifestations of paranormal activity. Others may observe the same phenomena and conclude that they result from poor insulation, failing lighting circuits, settling foundations, plumbing issues, and some creative use of ones imagination. Paranormal activity cannot be proven to truly exist, but it cannot be scientifically and definitively proven not to exist altogether either. However, from a sociological perspective, it matters not whether these paranormal phenomena are real or figments of our imagination; instead, it matters why human beings believe in the paranormal at all and how it might affect our societies. Sociology is concerned more with understanding the influences of these beliefs and what encourages them to persist in the midst of constant scrutiny. After reviewing information relevant to the paranormal and its sociological ties, it is clear that the continued belief in the paranormal is likely influenced and supported through several cultural constructs such as folklore, the impact of social factors, religious ideology, relationship to societal struggles, and the paranormal being adopted into idioculture. 28 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 For centuries or more, ghost stories/folklore have thrived globally, including in the Western hemisphere. Despite the vast belief in paranormal activity, it is often dismissed as unreal and the investigation of it is labeled as nothing more than pseudoscience. However, the massive interest in the paranormal and the medias response to the general publics interest has fostered two decades of paranormal experiences, paranormal programming, and active televised pursuits for paranormal evidence. Culture has created a clear idea of what a haunting may look like, sound like, and even smell like. Society has taken the cultural possibility of ghosts existing, a separate spirit freed from the body, and turned to modern technology to validate the beliefs (Baker and Bader 570-571). Today, one might believe that advanced technology would have diminished the belief in more mysterious things. However, technology is being designed, developed, and relied upon to make retrieving evidence, and even communicating with ghosts, a greater possibility by those involved in the pursuit. Belief in ghosts is not a small, isolated phenomenon; it is shared by many cultures worldwide. Even in modern America, greater than 90% admit to having a belief in some aspect of the supernatural, occult, or paranormal activity (Markovsky and Thye 21). With such a large number of believers, it seems prudent from a sociological perspective to be curious about where Societ y and Par anormal Belief that engrained faith spurs from. Social Impact Theory argues that peoples beliefs in something can be directly impacted by the social environment in which they interact. Considering this, even someone with little or no belief about something may come to manifest those beliefs when encouraged by those people with whom they interact (Markovsky and Thye 23-24). For example, if several people are exploring the dark, dank basement of an old, abandoned hotel and one person mentions the possibility of the place being haunted and ghostly attributes being observed, the other members are more likely to start perceiving the same simply based on the initial persons cues. One might also think that paranormal activity and religious ideology would coalesce. After all, the idea of the soul existing separately from and outside of a persons body is paramount to many faiths. Yet belief in one does not necessarily result in a belief in the other. Those who have no doubt and believe in the paranormal are more likely to have a spiritual ideology instead of adhering to a specific structured religion. According to Baker and Drapers survey study, Diverse Supernatural Portfolios: Certitude, Exclusivity, and the Curvilinear Relationship Between Religiosity and Paranormal Beliefs, those with more devout religious affiliations or none at all tend to be less likely to believe in or be involved in the paranormal (422). Based on this, we can confer that paranormal belief is not directly linked to religious beliefs which is logical considering the large number and varying groups of people who admit to a belief in some form of the paranormal. Some investigate the lengthy influence of paranormal belief from a contrasting perspective. They investigate the hauntings and how they are presented by modern media as a direct reflection of social failures. Often narrated by the everyday, average Americans themselves, credence of events is assumed and even enhanced. In these haunting tales of the American Dream gone wrong, a family often purchases their Dream Home, they settle into their new home, face mounting financial difficulties and familial dysfunction, and ultimately conclude that their home is trying to kill them. Some even end up losing everything in this process. Although paranormal activities are blamed, these tales are a reflection of the loss of the American Dream and the faults of people (Lawrence 228-229). In this scenario, the paranormal becomes a surrogate issue for the people to blame; they consider themselves victims and then survivors making them the heroes in their own story whether or not the haunting actually occurred. As this loss of the American Dream to paranormal activity seems to be serving a social purpose, this might be a relevant area of study and potentially prove fruitful with interesting results. According to Eaton, an idioculture refers to the knowledge, behaviors, beliefs, and traditions that are shared by members of a given group (157). People who believe in the paranormal and those who might have experienced paranormal activity share a common bond. This bond and peoples interactions validate and encourage greater shared beliefs among one another causing the experiences to become further validated and therefore become the defacto standard by which other experiences are interpreted and judged throughout the world. In short, these beliefs are self-confirming. In Eatons ethnography, Manifesting Spirits: Paranormal Investigation and the Narrative Development of a Haunting, the author suggests that this idioculture may be an even stronger influence on paranormal belief than folklore, local legends, and media promotion of the paranormal (177-178). This could infer that there are many implications for future study and a more in-depth analysis of the influence of the idioculture in the INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 29 Societ y and Par anormal Belief area of paranormal beliefs is warranted. It is not the place of sociological analysis to determine whether the paranormal activity that people report is fact or fiction, science or belief. However, such analysis does offer some insight into how beliefs form, how they are perpetuated, and how strongly they can become embedded within society and thereby impact the behaviors and traditions of its people. Through this kind of research, we can gain an understanding of other shared beliefs and influential concepts that guide peoples behavior and interaction within their social circles (Markovsky and Thye 21). Belief in the paranormal may be a small part of the human experience, but it garners enough social significance not to be immediately dismissed or disregarded. Most research into paranormal activity, the presence of what is considered paranormal activity, and the technological proof offered by those who believe is often dismissed by mainstream science (Bader and Baker 580). Many mainstream scientific fields consider the research into the paranormal to be a pseudoscience which makes the topic and any research undertaken in the subject controversial, yet it would be shortsighted to not investigate how and why such a large number of people have embraced the paranormal and how it has embedded itself in the fabric of almost every culture around the world. Further re- search into the cultural, psychological, and certainly sociological aspects of paranormal beliefs would produce immense intellectual research. Throughout the world, there are many people who believe in and associate certain activities, whether audible, visual, or technological observance, with the paranormal. Whether these proposed paranormal activities are authentic supernatural occurrences or are solely embellishments and misinterpretations/misrepresentations of scientific data, is of no significant consequence. From a sociological perspective, understanding where these paranormal beliefs originate, how they are perceived and transmitted, what factors affect the differences in beliefs between different individuals, cultures, and periods of history, and how they become so ingrained within societies around the world is paramount. The supporting evidence surrounding the sociological ties of the paranormal indicate that ongoing belief in the paranormal is influenced by several factors: cultural constructs, like folklore, the impact of social factors, religious ideology, relationship to societal struggles, and the paranormal being adopted into idioculture. However absurd mainstream science might consider research into the paranormal, it remains relevant in understanding a culture from a sociological perspective. WORKS CITED Baker, Joseph O, and Christopher D Bader. A social anthropology of ghosts in twenty-first-century America. Social Compass, vol. 61, no. 4, 2014, pp. 569593., doi: 10.1177/0037768614547337. Baker, Joseph O, and Scott Draper. Diverse Supernatural Portfolios: Certitude, Exclusivity, and the Curvilinear Relationship Between Religiosity and Paranormal Beliefs. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 49, no. 3, Sept. 2010, pp. 413424., doi:10.1111/j.14685906.2010.01519.x. 30 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 Societ y and Par anormal Belief Eaton, Marc A. Manifesting Spirits: Paranormal Investigation and the Narrative Development of a Haunting. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, vol. 48, no. 2, 2019, pp. 155182., doi:10.1177/0891241618756162. Lawrence, Amy. Paranormal Survivors: Validating the Struggling Middle Class. Journal of Popular Film and Television, vol. 45, no. 4, 2017, pp. 219230., doi:10.1080/01956051.2017.1302922. Markovsky, Barry N, and Shane R Thye. Social Influence on Paranormal Beliefs. Sociological Perspectives, vol. 44, no. 1, 2001, pp. 2144. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 31 The Utilization of Dre ams in Asian Religions The Utilization of Dreams in Asian Religions G id o n R o s e n fe ld W hat does it mean to dream? Sages and scientists alike have pondered this question throughout history, but never has it been fully answered. There are many theories regarding the nature of dreams, and they tend to vary based on ones culture and religion. In the west, dreams are often disregarded as mere illusions of sleep. However, in the eastparticularly in southern Asiadreams are incorporated into both religion and culture and are often considered a valuable resource. This is an ancient belief that goes back thousands of years and can still be found today in many parts of the world (Bulkeley 25-50). In Asia, the earliest reference to the nature of dreaming can be found in an ancient Hindu text known as the Rig Veda. The Vedas are a group of texts that are often credited as the founding scriptures of Hinduism and date back all the way to 1200 B.C.E. The Rig Veda is the oldest of them all, and although the subject of dreaming is merely touched on, we are able to see a glimpse of the ancient Hindu attitude towards dreaming. In Mandala 2, Hymn 28 of the Rig Veda it is written: O King, whoever, be he friend or kinsman, hath threatened me affrighted in my slumberIf any wolf or robber fain would harm us, therefrom, O Varuna, give thou us protection. Evidently, ancient Hindus feared being affrighted while asleep and therefore prayed to the de32 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 ity Varuna for protection (Rig Veda, 2:28). As the later Vedas were compiled, the Hindu attitude towards dreaming remained constant. Hindus in the Vedic period feared dreams and often viewed them as manifestations of evil spirits. Given these beliefs, only prayer could save them from the evil in their dreams. In the west, the average person would most likely not attribute a bad dream to the work of evil spirits. It is widely recognized that nightmares happen and are a harmless psychological phenomenon. Nevertheless, the belief that dreams could potentially harm the dreamer was not uncommon in early civilizations. But as cultures developed, so did their perspective on the nature of dreaming (Eranimos and Funkhouser). Sometime between 900-200 B.C.E., a collection of texts known as the Upanishads was compiled. In these texts, the Hindu attitude towards dreaming fundamentally changed. In a sudden shift of perspective, dreaming became something divine and prophetican idea similar to that once expressed in the Abrahamic religions. Once Hindus began seeing the potential in dreams, they made a discovery that would not reach the west until thousands of years laterthat dreams could be interpreted and used to understand the selfs nature. The Hindu worldview and philosophy are very complex. Many Hindus hold The Utilization of Dre ams in Asian Religions the belief that the world is an illusion created by the cosmic power of the gods. This power is noted in the Vedas and is often referred to as Maya. What Maya does, to simplify, is trick humans into believing that what they are experiencing is real, when in actuality, it is an illusion. The only way to break free from this illusion is to achieve moksha liberation from the cycle of samsara, the Hindu concept of rebirth. Unfortunately, those who attempt to attain moksha face a complicated process, but precisely here is when dreams come into play. Hindus realized that dreams could be used to aid the process of liberation and ultimately understand the true nature of the atman, or what we know as the self. Dreams in Hinduism quickly became a personal path to moksha and self-understanding (Mota-Rolim et al.). One of the most fascinating aspects of Hindu philosophy is that consciousness is separated into four distinct parts. This idea ties into the Hindu creation myth and the primordial soundAUM. Commonly known as the mantra OM, the primordial sound is the expression of the Hindu ultimate reality known as Brahman. However, what is not often known about AUM is that each letter represents a separate state of consciousness. The A represents waking consciousness, the U represents dreaming consciousness, and the M represents deep sleep without dreaming. In its entirety, AUM represents the final stateoneness with Brahman. Interestingly, dreaming sleep and deep sleep are both deemed of higher importance than waking consciousness. Many Hindus believe that only in deep sleep can one be fully free from distracting thoughts, and therefore find it significantly more valuable (Brodd et al. 35). Some Hindus regard sleep so highly that they practice a rare form of yoga known as Yoga Nidra. Sometimes called Yogic Sleep, Yoga Nidra is mentioned in the Upanishads and is seen as a path to understand- ing the atman. This practice involves lying on the floor in the corpse pose (shavasana) and observing the minds reaction. While doing so, the practitioner falls into a state of deep sleep, where they can then observe dream imagery and, in a sense, witness sleep. This practice has led to a philosophical debate in India over whether consciousness exists in a deep sleep, and only in recent studies have western scientists found that indeed, it does. The ancient Hindus, however, knew this long before modern science (Mota-Rolim et al.). It has been established that dreams play a significant role in Hinduism, yet no religion has contributed more to the understanding of dreaming than Buddhism. Founded around 2,500 years ago, Buddhism consists of three major branches: Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana (Brodd et al. 97). Dreaming is not a major part of Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism, rather it is Vajrayanaor tantricBuddhism where it is most prominent. Nevertheless, dreams have been a part of Buddhism since the birth of Siddhartha Gautama himself, as can be seen in his birth story. Before the Buddha was born in what is now Nepal, dreams already held value and were interpreted to gain insight. Siddharthas parents were royalty, and his story begins with his mother, Queen Maya. One night, she had a rare vivid dream where she was carried away by spirits to a lake in the Himalayas. After bathing in the lake, the spirits proceeded to clothe her and bestow her with divine flowers. Soon after, a white elephant holding a lotus flower appeared and entered her womb from the right side. It then abruptly vanished, and the queen awoke from her slumber. What could this dream mean? Queen Maya was determined to find out and had the king send a group of wise men to interpret it. After hearing the dream, the wise men came to a conclusion. The dream, they said, was the spirits way INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 33 The Utilization of Dre ams in Asian Religions of telling her that her child was destined to become an extraordinary being (Life of Buddha). The Buddhist approach to dreams is far more psychologically relevant than any other ancient religion. Ultimately, Buddhists regard dreams as mind-created phenomena that still hold importance. Of course, the Buddhist attitude towards dreaming also varies depending on which sect of Buddhism one follows. One common way to understand dreams is through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence. The Buddhas Doctrine of Impermanence states that all things are constantly changing, and nothing ever remains the same not even for a moment. By holding onto these ever-changing things and mistakenly believing that they are exactly what they appear to be, suffering is sure to ensue. Therefore, in order to free oneself from suffering, one must cease all desire and attachments (Brodd et al. 91-92). In Mahayana Buddhism, dreams are no different. Anyone who has ever had a dream knows that dreams are often unstable and constantly fluctuating. In fact, Mahayana Buddhists view dreams as representative of the impermanent nature of the world. Nothing in a dream is real, and nothing can be held on to. By attaching oneself to the dream state, there can be only suffering. This does not mean that dreams are not importantbut it does mean that the Doctrine of Impermanence still applies when dreaming, and therefore dreams are not exempt from suffering (Sure 1). Just like other ancient religions, ancient Buddhism held the same belief in prophetic dreams. A dream could be a message from a Bodhisattva, an ancestor, or even a god. The purpose of such a dream is often to convey important information to the dreamer and aid their path to enlightenment. However, evil spirits could also send dreams to disrupt a practitioner from 34 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 attaining enlightenment, so one must take extreme caution when listening to dreams. Sometimes, a dream may not be prophetic per se, but can still determine ones good luck or misfortune (Sure 1). Finally, there is a psychological approach to dreaming that cannot be left out. Ancient Buddhists were very advanced in the field of psychology, despite it not existing at the time. Ancient Indian medics would use dreams to aid them in a diagnosiswhether it be a mental one or a physical one. Ancient Buddhists believed that the symbols of a dream held meaning and could indicate both illness and health. Another belief that was commonly held was that dreams could replay the contents of the mind. For example, what the dreamer experienced during the day could come back to him at night in the form of a dream. Those who are familiar with the works of Sigmund Freud will know that he came to this same conclusion thousands of years later and popularized what was essentially the same idea of day residue in the west (Sure 1). The most fascinating dream-related practice in Buddhism is Dream Yoga. Dream Yoga is a complicated practice that originated in the Vajrayana sect in Tibet. What Dream Yoga aims to do is allow the dreamer to manipulate and control the content of his dream to his liking. In the west, many know this as Lucid Dreaminga phenomena thought to be a myth until the late 20th century, when it was finally scientifically proven. Even today, little research has been done on this subject, and it is largely unknown. In essence, Dream Yoga is a step further from the Hindu Yoga Nidra. In Yoga Nidra, as previously mentioned, the practitioner will see dream images but leave them be. Dream Yoga takes these dream images and turns them into a full dream, which can then be manipulated in whatever way the dreamer desires. Tibetan Buddhists use this practice to look beyond the contents of the The Utilization of Dre ams in Asian Religions conscious mind and do things they could not do in waking life. For example, many Tibetan Buddhists will use dreams to meditate on death, as they believe that the dream state is nearly identical to the state of death. In addition, Dream Yoga works in the same way as meditationand it is said that one minute of meditation in the dream state is akin to 30 days of meditation in waking life (Mota-Rolim et al.). Tibetan Buddhism largely influenced the study of Lucid Dreaming or Dream Yoga in the west. It was only recently discovered that the best way to control ones dreams consistently is to meditate and be mindful frequently. A meditation-heavy and mindful lifestyle is none other than the exact lifestyle of a Buddhist, so it is no surprise that Tibetan Buddhists came to this discovery far before western societies. Modern scientists may take credit for the new research being conducted on the nature of dreaming, but in reality, Buddhists were the ones to grasp a complex understanding of how the dreaming mind works and how it can be controlled (Baird et al.). While India may have figured out how to utilize dreams to their advantage, not all Asian religions did the same. In a very different approach, the ancient Chinese feared dreams and viewed them as useless and harmful. In Daoism, dreams are seen as an obstacle to attaining immortality. In fact, only when a person ceases to dream can they reach the highest stage of self-cultivation. A person who still dreams is seen as a person who has not yet attained immortality (Lin 101). It appears as if the Daoist perspective of dreaming never evolved past the idea that dreams are caused by evil spirits. Daoists went to extreme measures to stop these spirits from infiltrating their minds with dreams. These spirits responsible were believed to be the Three Corpse-Demons, and in ancient China, it was common to make a talisman to ward them off and then swallow it to force them out of the body. In addition, praying to various deities for help with their dreams was also a common practice. All of the religions mentioned in this paper continue to regard dreams with some level of importance. Sadly, in the west, society has completely disregarded dreams, and many people rarely even remember them. When they do have a vivid dream, many do not take the time to reflect on it and understand its meaning. The truth is, most people in the west have neither the clarity of mind nor the time to dream, let alone to sleep. Many are stuck working 9-5 jobs with little time to relax and cleanse the mind. In turn, dreams have been left behind and forgotteneven highly religious individuals usually do not contemplate them. Nevertheless, most people do see dreams as important. When any person has an interesting dream, there is often a desire to interpret it. However, in western society the vast majority do not exert the mental effort to do so, and the dream is lost forever. There is much that could be learned from the eastern religions. If the phenomenon of dreaming continues to be researched, maybe the day will come that dreams are reintroduced into western society. WORKS CITED Baird, Benjamin, et al. Increased Lucid Dream Frequency in Long-Term Meditators but Not Following MBSR Training. Psychology of Consciousness (Washington, D.C.), U.S. National Library of Medicine, Mar. 2019, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6490164/. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 35 The Utilization of Dre ams in Asian Religions Brodd, Jefferey et al. Invitation to Asian Religions Oxford University Press, 2016. Bulkeley, Kelly. Dreaming in the Worlds Religions: A Comparative History. New York University Press, 2008. Eranimos, Boban and Funkhouser, Art. The Concept of Dreams and Dreaming: A Hindu Perspective. The International Journal of Indian Psychology, Volume 4, Issue 4. Aug-Sep 2017. Life of Buddha: Queen Maha Mayas Dream (Part 1), Buddhanet, 2008, www. buddhanet.net/e-learning/buddhism/lifebuddha/1lbud.htm. Lin, Fu-shih. Fu-Shih Lin. Cahiers DExtrme-Asie, Perse - Portail Des Revues Scientifiques En SHS, 6 Feb. 2019, www.persee.fr/doc/ asie_0766-1177_1995_num_8_1_1090. Mota-Rolim, Sergio A, et al. The Dream of God: How Do Religion and Science See Lucid Dreaming and Other Conscious States During Sleep? Frontiers in Psychology, Frontiers Media S.A., 6 Oct. 2020, www.ncbi. nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7573223/. Sure, Heng. A Buddhist Approach to Dreams. Urban Dharma, www.urbandharma.org/udharma7/dreams.html. The Rig Veda. Rig Veda Index, www.sacred-texts.com/hin/rigveda/index. htm. 36 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 How Intentional Wa s the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? How Intentional Was the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? A n g e la S h u lt z T he world is facing a global pandemic as I write, and fingers are being pointed as to which country should be held responsible. But this isnt the first pandemic that the government has attempted to blame on another country. A century ago, another disease swept the globe and received the name the Spanish Flu, but it didnt originate in Spain. The Spanish Flu began in 1918 and killed upwards of 20 million people, though the exact number is still unknown. While the name hints strongly towards the flu originating in Spain, there has been much research that disagrees with what the name suggests. So, what was the real reason for naming the disease after Spain and how intentional was it? Some experts opine that there was an intentional motive behind naming the pandemic influenza after Spain because the name of a disease plays a large role in how the public and authorities will react. However, there are researchers who feel that there was simply misinformation when the flu was named as it occurred during World War I. Researchers are still debating the origin of the 1918 Flu. But even though there is controversy as to where it actually began, they do agree on one thing: it did not begin in Spain. According to James F. Armstrong, the first known case reported was in Haskell, Kansas, on March 11, 1918, at a military camp, Camp Funston. Word came in soon after the report. Of other military bases that had soldiers carrying the infection and before long, all the other states had reported sickness as well (Armstrong). In another study, Edwin Oakes Jordan, a bacteriologist and public health scientist, writes of three other possible sites besides Haskell, Kansas, where the flu could possibly have begun: China or France and Great Britain in British military camps. But as Jordan was looking at a report written in March 1918, he started to wonder if his findings pointed strongly towards Haskell, Kansas, as the origin. The report stated that there had been several deaths from pneumonia, but strangely enough, these deaths were dated to when the first wave of influenza began. Jordans idea was that new recruits may have passed the infection to other military camps in America and overseas. But he was not able to find strong enough information or evidence that would have specifically identified Haskell, Kansas, as the origin (qtd. in Humphries). This simply confirms a quote by Jordan in one of his studies, [I] ts origin is largely shrouded in obscurity (qttd. In Humphries). So, while there have been multiple theories as to where the epidemic began, its still unclear as to where it really originated. The conclusion is quite simple though: it did not begin in Spain as its name suggests. These sources provide background information for the answer to INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 37 How Intentional Wa s the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? my research question. So, while it is plain that the flu did not originally begin in Spain, the reason behind naming it after the country is not so clear. Some researchers feel that there wasnt a purposeful or sinister motive behind it, as Michaela E. Nickol and Jason Kindrachuk suggest in an article. Instead, Nickols and Kindrachuks idea is based on circumstances in 1918. The Spanish flu and World War I occurred during the same time frame. Because Spain was the one of the few neutral countries during the war, newspapers in said country were able to report about the influenza effects. Researchers are unsure as to why newspapers in Spain were at more liberty to report on the flu. But as a result, the 1918 flu became mistakenly named after the country, the Spanish Flu (Nickol and Kindrachuck). This was not the only reason for the disease to be named after Spain, but it may have played a small part. Maite Zubiaurre brings her own interesting perspective to bear on this issue. She talks again about the fact that while there was more extensive media coverage of the influenza in Spain, feelings of distaste which stemmed from cultural prejudice, were also being directed against the Spaniards at that time. Because of this, it could be argued that it was an intentional and convenient step in which other countries could easily hand the blame over to a neutral, but slightly-disliked country. There is not only one theory that suggests the Spanish Flu was unintentionally named after a country it did not even originate from. James F. Armstrong had a slightly different idea though. As Spain was not active in the current war and the disease was being transported mainly through the military, it made headlines when Spains king, King Alfonzo, became sick (Armstrong). Armstrong believes that this news is how it became named the Spanish Flu. Because of this interest drawn towards 38 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 Spain, it is a possibility that it was simply an easy way to name an unnamed global pandemic and call it after a country that made headlines. While this theory by Armstrong is somewhat improbable, it provides a better understanding and basis in which to build off of another logical theory. What seems to be a more plausible answer to the question, based on historical research, lies within Trevor Hoppes article Spanish Flu: When Infectious Disease Names Blur Origins and Stigmatize Those Infected. He promotes the notion that names are a determining factor in how the public and authorities will react to the disease. The previous research proved that the 1918 flu, in fact, did not come from Spain. Hence, Hoppe addresses the reason as to why it and other diseases are oftentimes labelled with foreign names. The 1918 Flu was called the Spanish Flu, COVID19 has been referred to as the Chinese Virus, and the flu in 2009 was dubbed the Mexican Swine Flu. Some diseases are given names based on how scientists think they are transported or where they began. But most often, scientists give names based on where they believe a disease may have started, even if its not accurate. Scholars say that a feeling of safety s established by new sicknesses being given names to associate foreign populations and the spread of diseases, whether done intentionally or not (Hoppe). The theories mentioned previously dont necessarily disagree with each other, but instead tie together to give a fuller explanation as to how the Spanish Flu got its name. There are unfortunate consequences for populations who receive the name of a new disease. Charles J. Van Hook, a pulmonologist, said in the Emerging Infectious Disease journal, The Navajo people reacted strongly against any further association with the disease that had led to so much initial prejudice, and tribal elders appealed to officials to reconsider (qtd. in Irfan). How Intentional Wa s the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? This quote refers to a new disease that was found in 1993 near the Navajo Nation Territory, which then became named after the area. The Navajos became further looked down upon with the sickness associated with them. This reinforces the point of how detrimental the naming of a disease after foreign or minority populations can be to them. Stanley Perlman, professor of microbiology, hits the nail on the head in his quote, The people who live there are being unfairly associated with a virus. Its not their fault (qtd. in Gordan). It isnt fair to ethnic minorities to purposefully tie them to a disease by naming it after them. And it is painfully obvious that it is less powerful countries who are being intentionally associated with new viruses. There are no diseases overtly named after America that can be found in history. And though we could make the argument that it is simply because there havent been any spreadable diseases originating from these countries (Gordan), that doesnt hold true as there has been much evidence, though it is still being debated, pointing to Haskell, Kansas, as the origin of the 1918 Flu. But it isnt just about the name of an epidemic that occurred a century ago. Our current day and age is still struggling with this as well. As noted before, COVID 19 has been referred to by certain well-known politicians as many different things, such as the Chinese Virus, Wuhan Coronavirus, China Virus, and other pointed names. This again shows that, whether or not its intentional, associating the current epidemic with a foreign country promotes feelings of safety and alleviates feelings of blame. Like Carol Goldin, a Rutgers University researcher, said, ...one consequence of such identification is that it allows the rest of society to simultaneously assign blame, and through contrast, define their own innocence... (qtd. in Irfan). By detaching ourselves from an epidemic such as COVID19, we give up any responsibility and place the by on China. It appears though that lessons are being learned and guidelines are being put into place for the naming of epidemics. Dr. Patel is quoted as saying, Heres the thing, we live in a different time now, and people can say all they want, Hey, in the past theyve named these viruses after geographic locations [sic]. What we will say back to them is yes, but with outbreaks in this world we see associated racism, and we see associated prejudice, so why dont we learn from the past, and why dont we set a new standard and get everyone on board with a more scientific process, and thats [sic] actually calling the virus by its actual scientific name, SARS-Cov2 and calling the disease COVID-19. (qtd. in Miguel) So, while we have seen attempts to associate the new epidemic with China by giving it the name of Chinese Flu, it appears that the government and the majority of people are slowly counteracting what had once been the common practice, during the 1918 flu and other past epidemics, of naming diseases after foreigners. While other factors, such as the reporting of the flu in Spain, could have played a part in the naming of the Spanish Flu, other intentional motives weigh in even more heavily. Just as a country was unfairly linked to a pandemic during 1918, even now, China is being bullied with names that point to them as the origin. It is essential that diseases no longer be named with the purpose of manipulating the public or placing blame, as ethnic targeting is often a result. More research is needed to understand the complete consequences of naming a new disease after a foreign population. Researching past pandemics, such as the 1918 flu, will play a large role in doing so. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 39 How Intentional Wa s the Naming of The 1918 Spanish Flu? WORKS CITED Armstrong, James F. When the Flu Killed Millions. RN, vol. 62, no. 12, Dec. 1, 1999. Gordan, Elana. What to Call This New Coronavirus? Some Cautionary Tales. The World, Jan. 29, 2020. Hoppe, Trevor, PhD. Spanish Flu: When Infectious Disease Names Blur Origins and Stigmatize Those Infected. American Journal of Public Health, vol. 108, no. 11, Nov. 1, 2018, pp. 1462-1464. Humphries, Mark Osborne. Paths of Infection: The First World War and the Origins of the 1918 Influenza Pandemic. Sage Publications, Ltd, vol. 21, no. 1, pp. 55-81, Jan. 08, 2014. Miguel, Ken. Heres the origin of coronavirus or COVID-19 and why you really shouldnt call it that other name. ABC News, April 03, 2020. Nickol, Michaela E, and Jason Kindrachuk. A Year of Terror and a Century of Reflection: Perspectives on the Great Influenza Pandemic of 19181919. BMC Infectious Diseases, vol. 19, no. 117, Feb. 06, 2019. Umair, Irfan. The life-and-death consequences of naming the coronavirus. VOX, Feb. 14, 2020. Zubiaurre, Maite. The Spanish flu: narrative and cultural identity in Spain, 1918/The Spanish influenza pandemic of 19181919: perspectives from the Iberian Peninsula and the Americas. Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, vol. 18, no. 1, Jan. 23, 2017. 40 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism A n n m a rie S e w e ll I n 1967 David Elkind first discussed the concept of adolescent egocentrism. Adolescent egocentrism can be defined as the tendency for adolescents to have a differing perception about how they believe others perceive them and how others actually perceive them (Adolescent Egocentrism). Teenagers have this belief that other people are as obsessed with their appearance and behavior as they are, also known as the imaginary audience (Elkind, 1967, p.1030). Teens may obsess over their actions or the way they look, because they believe that everyone is watching them, and want to impress them. Elkind used the example of a boy combing his hair in the mirror imagining the swooning reactions he will receive from girls (Elkind, 1967, p.1030). Elkind then explains that these obsessions are most likely in vain, as their peers are too concerned with what others think about them to worry about what they think about others. Adolescent egocentrism does not only affect teens on their perception of how others see them but also on their perception of their emotions compared to others. Adolescents often believe that their feelings are unique to those of others, that no one can feel suffering with such intensity (Elkind, 1967, p.1031). Examples of this can be seen in literature, such as Holden Caulfields character in The Catcher in the Rye, and often is displayed in movies and shows aimed at teenagers, such as Tall Girl and Riverdale. This belief that the adolescent has in their own personal uniqueness can often lead to a conviction that they will not die (Elkind, 1967, p.1031). Elkind called this belief that adolescents have about their uniqueness in emotion and immortality personal fable. As research is done, more and more issues are arising, with adolescent egocentrism at the core. With new technology being invented every year and social media growing, there are many more opportunities for adolescents to fuel their egocentrism. In an article about social media and its effects on adolescents, Daniel Houlihan explains that social media exacerbates teens belief that they are unique, or as David Elkind called it, personal fable (Houlihan, 2014). Along with this, online bullying is rampant on social media because adolescents feel that they are invulnerable to negative outcomes of their actions (Houlihan, 2014). This increase in online bullying then negatively affects the teen being bullied as these comments damage their ego and can lead to emotional struggles. However, adolescent egocentrism does not only harm teens emotionally, but it also harms them physically. This lack of cognitive maturity leads to adolescents taking risks that could seriously injure or even kill them. An article written for the Journal of Youth Studies explains how teens are at a rising risk for skin cancer due to the use of indoor tanning beds (Banerjee et al., 2015). INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 41 The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism They theorize that teens are doing this, not only to impress their imaginary audience but also because they feel immortal to the risks that indoor tanning poses (Banerjee et al.,2015). This mentality of being immortal can also lead to much more common issues, such as substance abuse, unprotected sex, fighting, and dangerous driving. These risky behaviors are actions that every teen has either done themselves or heard of someone else doing. According to the CDC 67% of students have drank alcohol before twelfth grade, about 50% of highschool students have smoked marijuana, and 40% of highschool students have reported smoking cigarettes (CDC, 2020). These statistics are extremely concerning as the earlier teens start abusing substances the higher the chances of developing an addiction or continuing to abuse substances become. Along with substance abuse, statistics show that 41% of sexually active students reported not using contraceptives in 2013, 24% of high school students reported having been in a physical fight in the past year in 2017, and seven teens aged 13-19 died in a fatal car crash per day, with hundreds more injured in 2018. Nevertheless, how can we help adolescents and keep them safe? Because adolescent egocentrism is a cognitive limitation and part of the brains development, it is not something that the adolescent can change. However, parents play a crucial part in helping their children stay safe and make smart decisions during this time. The first solution to helping adolescents is making sure that parents or guardians are aware of what adolescent egocentrism is, how to handle it, and where they can find the support, they need to help the child, is an important piece in helping egocentric adolescents. When adults lack the awareness that teenagers have no control over their egocentrism, it can often lead to them 42 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 putting their adolescents for their behavior, as it is seen as immature, overly emotional, and disruptive. But adolescents need someone to understand them, someone to support them and lead them on the right path without being harsh or blaming them. Many sources claim that the best way to help with adolescent egocentrism is by creating a caring and understanding environment around the adolescent, and I agree with these claims. I think the best thing that a family can do for adolescents facing egocentrism is give the teen support and a connection to confide in their family about their emotions or behaviors in a safe environment. Perhaps if the teen has a good relationship with a relative, they will be able to call if they are in trouble or need to be picked up because they are intoxicated. This would mitigate some of the risky behavior of teenagers, such as dangerous driving or abusing substances. Disciplining is still essential at this stage, and the teen should know that they will be disciplined, but it is important that the adolescent knows that this discipline comes from a place of care rather than a place of anger or disappointment. Theo Riley wrote that in a cognitive test done on a sample of seventh grade girls and boys emotional support from a parent was associated with a lower level of egocentrism (Riley, 1984). Along with this, it was also found that parental withdrawal heightened levels of egocentrism for both groups (Riley, 1984). Adolescents struggling with egocentrism already believe that no one understands or cares about their emotions,so a decrease in parental support does nothing but strengthen that belief. Although having a sound family support system is crucial to guiding an adolescent through these difficult years, I also believe that the community plays an important role as well. Children in this age range spend the majority of their time at The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism school, and it is important that they must have a good support system there, especially if they do not have this at home. Middle school and high school are filled with drama, fighting, and bullying, and more often than not, these situations are treated with no amount of understanding. Adolescent egocentrism can lead to a very competitive environment, personal fable can lead to fights and overall bad decision making, and an imaginary audience can lead to competition as every child tries to impress each other. A second solution is for schools to be equipped with mental health services so these adolescents can get the support they need. In my experience as a middle and high schooler, I have seen many of my bright peers give up on their education and turn to be trouble makers because they feel as though no one cares about them and if everyone thinks they are a bad kid, then that is what they will be. A third solution, and something I think would be very impactful, is having more safe places for teens and pre-teens to go to have fun. Even our own city of Charlottesville has very little for teens to do without parental supervision or access to money. Places like rec centers, bowling alleys, or skate parks where there is plenty of activities to do and light monitoring to keep adolescents safe. I believe that this would decrease illegal activities done by adolescents because they could form a community and hobbies in a safe space. Although these solutions can not completely fix adolescent egocentrism, as it is a cognitive issue, I believe that they could help, and slow the negative effects of this issue. By giving the teen or pre-teen the support that they need and a safe relationship or space, they will have someone to go to if they are in danger or need help. It is crucial for adolescents to have supportive and stable relationships with an adult during this period, whether that person is a parent or guardian, a teacher, or someone who leads a program they are a part of. After researching for this paper, my eyes have been opened a little bit more. Growing up, I saw my peers struggling with adolescent egocentrism, and I felt myself struggling with it simultaneously, but I never knew what it was. I have always struggled with wanting people to like me due to what I dealt with growing up, but I felt it get so much worse once I hit seventh grade and started puberty. Due to my home situation, I had to grow up fast, and because of this, I focused less on myself and being a teenager and more on doing what I could to be helpful to my mom and brothers. So, although I was struck with an imaginary audience, I was not as inclined to be risky because I did not want to cause any more stress to my mom. This lack of inclination towards negative actions caused me to judge those around me who acted in ways that I thought were dumb or immature. I think now, after researching adolescent egocentrism, it makes a lot more sense why my peers tended to act out in dangerous ways, especially because they did not have any type of support system. My role in society towards this topic shifted when I hit eleventh grade. I no longer felt judgment towards my peers, but instead wanted to help them, and that is what I continue to want to do. I want to advocate more for adolescents in school, I think this area is one that can be more easily helped and changed than parenting styles. My dream is to become a therapist and hopefully, through that I can further advocate for mental health services in schools and be taken seriously. I believe that I have done well when it comes to civic responsibilities and am continuing to do well. I tend to use my voice strongly to advocate for others who may not have it as well as I do. I always make sure to stay informed on what is going on in society INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 43 The Troubled Child: Adolescent Egocentrism and use whatever means I can to help society as a whole, whether that is by voting, through my art, or by giving out support to those around me. Although I believe I could do more, especially in helping adolescents in my community, for right now, I do what I can without pulling myself too thin. So yes, adolescents are technically immature and sensitive but that is sim- ply because their brains are in fact immature, and they are sensitive because that is how personal fables cause the brain to react. The sooner we as a society recognize that this behavior is not the adolescents fault and something they should be put down for, the sooner we can slow the dangers of adolescent egocentrism. REFERENCES Adolescent Egocentrism. (n.d.). Retrieved November 20, 2020, from https:// www.alleydog.com/glossary/definition.php?term=Adolescent+Egocentrism Banerjee, S. C., Greene, K., Yanovitzky, I., Bagdasarov, Z., Choi, S. Y., & Magsamen-Conrad, K. (2015). Adolescent egocentrism and indoor tanning: Is the relationship direct or mediated? Journal of Youth Studies, 18(3), 357-375. CDC. (2020, February 10). Teen substance use & risks. Retrieved April 14, 2021, from https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/fasd/features/teen-substance-use.html CDC. (2020, November 18). Teen drivers: Get the facts. Retrieved April 14, 2021, from https://www.cdc.gov/transportationsafety/teen_drivers/ teendrivers_factsheet.html Elkind, D. (1967). Egocentrism in Adolescence. Child Development, 38(4), 1025-1034. Frankenberger, K. D. (2000). Adolescent egocentrism: A comparison among adolescents and adults [Abstract]. Journal of Adolescence, 23(3), 343-354. Houlihan, D. (2014). Adolescents and the Social Media: The Coming Storm. Journal of Child and Adolescent Behaviour, 2(2). NCES. (2019, April). Indicator 12: Physical fights on school property and anywhere. Retrieved April 14, 2021, from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/ind_12.asp ReCAPP. (2014). Statistics. Retrieved April 14, 2021, http://recapp.etr.org/recapp/index.cfm?fuseaction=pages.StatisticsDetail&PageID=556&PageTypeID=25 Riley, T. A. (1984). Adolescent Egocentrism and Its Relationship to Parenting Styles and the Development of Formal Operational Thought (Doctoral dissertation, Utah State University, 1984) [Abstract]. All Graduate Theses and Dissertations. Schwartz, P. (2015). Teens becoming self-centered. Retrieved November 19, 2020, from https://hvparent.com/teens-becoming-self-centered. 44 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 The Residential School System and its Implications The Residential School System and its Implications S k y la r R a y Tra in u m D isplacement of Native American children occurred all too commonly from the 17th century to the 20th in America. Reports show that Indigenous children were 25-35% more likely to be removed from their homes than the general population (Moore 3). But what is lesser known was the practice of removing Aboroginal children from their families in Canada, where they would then put them into boarding schools within the Residential School System over a 129-year span starting in the late-1800s. The Residential School Program boarded an estimated 150,000 Aboriginal students in the hopes of teaching them the ways of Euro-Canadian living (Gebhard 4). Since the creation of this system, Canadians have argued about its importance and impact on Aboriginal Canadians. Some Canadians have advocated for this system. In the early-1800s the Canadian cleric, John Strachan, considered the governance of Native Canadians to be merciful compared to the American Indian Policy (Hutchings, 304). Social scientist Hilary A. Rose insists that abuse was used within the Residential Schools to destroy Indigenous families(348). This paper will explore the timeline of the Residential School System, stemming from the creation to the aftermath of the system, to answer the questions: What practices were used within the Residential School Program? And what effects did they have on the Aboriginal students and their families? The Residential School Program was implemented quickly after Canada was declared a country, and was influenced by Christian ideals. These ideals were that of Eurocentric living standards, including practicing Christian religions and speaking English. Canadas first Residential School did not open its doors until 1879 but the ideas that would birth the Residential School Program were circulated as early as the 1820s (Hutchings 303). The lieutenant governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, proposed a plan to Canadas Colonial Office in which he warns that little perhaps can be expected from the grown-up Indians (qtd. in Hutchings 303), intending that hopes to assimilate Aboriginal people would be most effective if primarily used on children. During this time, the aforementioned, Strachan, greatly influenced Maitlands proposal. Hutchings argues that Maitland was inspired by Strachans notion that Aboriginal children would fare best in the modern world by being removed from their families and raised among pious whites... and that just as white settlers saw local flora and fauna as unwanted objects that needed to be rooted out to make way for imported European crops and livestock (qtd. in Hutchings 305), so Strachan understood Indigenous culture as something to be eradicated to make way for the estabINSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 45 The Residential School System and its Implications lishment of Christian cultural knowledge and civilizations. The essence of Hutchings argument is that Strachan played a role in implementing a belief within 19th century Canadian society that Indigenous culture was something that needed to be stamped out and replaced with European culture. Strachan also stressed that it was an urgent Christian mission to do this, that it will save the doomed souls of the Aboriginal people. These thoughts based on Christian beliefs are the ones that would lead to the creation of the Residential School System and create a history of abuse against Canadas Aboriginal people. After the Residential School Program began its operation, Indigenous children were subject to a malnourished environment. The Canadian government, fronted by Canadas first prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, was influenced by Strachans ideas that the Aboriginal child must be separated from their culture. This idea led the government to remove Indigenous children from their homes and place them into the Residential schools. In these schools, a process of assimilation was implemented using techniques such as barring the students from speaking their language, wearing their clothes, using their given names (sometimes the children were only referred to using numbers), and practicing cultural and spiritual traditions (Rose 348). The schools were underfunded, teachers were not qualified, and the classrooms were overcrowded. The responsibilities associated with the failures of the Residential School System were put onto the students, who were expected to grow their food, repair issues within the schools, and to sew or mend all of their clothing. The schools were set up on a half-day schedule where children would learn in class for half of the day then be sent to vocational training which in essence, was just glorified slave labor (Rose 350). These harsh conditions were 46 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 expected to teach the students and prepare them to function within a Euro-Canadian society but so far it had seemed to only left the children unhealthy. The harsh conditions the Indigenous children were put through would only worsen. Students were victims of numerous abuses, ranging from physical to sexual. If a child was found to have attempted to run away from school or even just talk in their first language, they would be physically attacked in hopes of civilizing the student. Along with this, the Aboriginal students would often be sexually abused, and allegations of this abuse would always be ignored by the government. When the government-funded the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, they had discovered more than 40 allegations of sexual or physical assaults driven by staff members (Rose 350). Although there could have been countless amounts of other assaults gone unspoken by traumatized victims, or by the fact that many of the Residential School Programs students did not survive their education. One cause of death within the system was the medical experiments conducted on the students. These experiments (which were enforced by the Department of Indian Affairs of Canada and executed by Dr. Percy Moore and Dr. Frederick Tisdall) operated without receiving consent from students or parents, in fact the parents were never told of the practices being used. No matter the circumstances of death or warnings to stop these unethical treatments, the experiments carried on. The studies involved observing groups of malnourished children and the effects of injecting them with various substances such as thiamine, riboflavin, ascorbic acid, niacin, and bone meal (often combined) in hopes that the supplements would cure malnourishment. The opposite had ensued, children were becoming weaker. Theyd contract anemia or cases of anemia would worsen. Reports The Residential School System and its Implications had found that approximately 42 percent of the children held in the Residential School System died annually (qtd. in Gebhard 5). The experiments these children underwent were completely unethical, often they were a death wish. Its hard to believe there was any good intent or logical thinking behind the idea to cure malnourishment with injected substances. Yet the government allowed this to go on, they allowed illegal medical practices that can be compared to the ones used in Nazi concentration camps. Even after the Residential School System ended the traumatic experiences within the schools still impacted the children who attended and their families. These effects are long-lasting and still prevail to this day. For example, mental illness and substance abuse are common among the Native American community. Likewise, 60 percent of prisoners held within the Prairie provinces of Canada are of indigenous descent (Gebhard 16). Rose connects the trauma of the Residential School Program to bad parenting in her article. She theorizes that These children, lacking appropriate parental role models throughout their school years, would potentially grow up not knowing how to parent subsequent generations (352). Roses point is that the current rates of mental illness and criminal tendencies in Indigenous people of Canada are the cause of their Indigenous parents and grandparents being inattentive. However, Amanda Gebhard questioned Roses mentality in her article when she maintains that A popular version of the truth is that residential schools have left Aboriginal peoples broken, and addicted, unable to parent: resultantly, they choose to commit crimes. When the problem is located within Aboriginal families, proposed solutions are individualizing imperatives rather than an analysis of the racism in Canadas justice system and wider society. In making this comment Gebhard urges us to not accuse victims of the Residential School Program of being bad parents but instead to recognize that the Canadian government and education system abused their victims and is to blame for generational depression within Canadas Indigenous People. Gebhard voices a narrative that schools in the present still harm their Aboriginal students when she suggests that Racism is a daily reality for Aboriginal students whose identities have been ignored, misrecognized, and vilified in school. Gebhards point is that racism still prevails in Canadas modern-day school system and teaches students negative stigmas of Aboriginal people. I find Gebhards argument more poignant than Roses. The system traumatized its victims and everyone related to them, the impact of this situation cannot be chalked up to bad parenting. The Residential School Program lives on in the way it still impacts Aboriginal people today. Its negative effect on the Indigenous community is a deep scar. The Residential School System harmed the Indgenous families of Canada when they stripped their homes of their children, the conditions the students had to endure only worsened the situation. This system condoned the abuse and malnourishment of its students leading to thousands of deaths. The conditions of the schools have left a permanent mark on Canada, their schools will never be the same, and forever will its indigenous population have to cope with what happened within the system. On September 26th, 2020 an Indegenous resident of Canada, Joyce Echaquan, was admitted to the hospital, Centre hospitalier de Lanaudire. She complained of stomach pains, to which her nurses restrained her to her bed and against her wishes, gave her morphine. Echaquan was allergic to morphine, and had an adverse reaction to it. She soon died but not before recording her nurses calling her stupid as hell and saying she was only good for sex. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 47 The Residential School System and its Implications These remarks reflect the emotional and sexual abuse condoned within the Residential School Program. The Residential School System spread ideas that Indigenous people are immoral and deserve to be wiped out, these ideas have prevailed to this day and are the ones that led those nurses to insult Joyce Echaquan and disregard her concerns of her morphine allergy, which ultimately led to her death. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada has done much to bring to light the horrors of the Residential School Program by giving an official report of the abuse sustained within the program. But there is still more that must be done. Schools need to begin to face the racism against Aboriginal Canadians and teach children how to respect Native culture. The abuse within the Residential School System must no longer be lesser known, and I hope this essay has helped with that. WORKS CITED Gebhard, Amanda. Reconciliation or Racialization? Contemporary Discourses about Residential Schools in the Canadian Prairies. Canadian Journal of Education, vol. 40, no. 1, 2017, pp. 130. Hutchings, Kevin. Cultural Genocide and the First Nations of Upper Canada: Some Romantic-Era Roots of Canadas Residential School System. European Romantic Review, vol. 27, no. 3, 27 June 2016, pp. 301308., doi:10.1080/10509585.2016.1163787. Macdonald, Noni E, et al. Canadas Shameful History of Nutrition Research on Residential School Children: The Need for Strong Medical Ethics in Aboriginal Health Research. Paediatrics & Child Health, Feb. 2014, pp. 6464., doi:10.1093/pch/19.2.64. Moore, Skyler. Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978: An Analysis of Policy Implementation. Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, vol. 82, Sept. 2020, pp. 1226. Rose, Hilary A. I Didnt Get to Say Good-Bye... Didnt Get to Pet My Dogs or Nothing: Bioecological Theory and the Indian Residential School Experience in Canada. Journal of Family Theory and Review , vol. 10, no. 2, June 2018, pp. 348366., doi:10.1111/jftr.12261. 48 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 The Residential School System and its Implications INSIGHTS, SPRING 2021 49  ...

...  A special thanks to all the PVCC students who participated in this project. Your phenomenal work is what made this possible! EDITOR IN CHIEF TODD PL AT TS A SSISTA NT EDITOR S M E L A N I E BA I L E Y, K I T DECK E R , JOH N GU L L E Y, K I M HOOSI E R , N ICOL E OECHSL I N, A N D J US T I N W E RT DE SIGN & A RT DIR EC T ION GR A PH IC DE SIGN CLU B insights 1 Maggie and Meaning in Toni Morrisons Recitatif B re t Vo llm e r 7 Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge A le x H e iste r 12 Racial Construction between the U.S. and Japan A k e m i Fu jii 17 Hemp: The Misunderstood Crop Lu k e K e y se r 20 Interracial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? D a n ie lle Fa u l 27 An Examination of Mass Shootings G ra c ie S h iffl e tt 32 The Importance of Intersectionality in Reporting Sexual Harassment C la ire M itc h e ll 38 Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled Ja n e M o n a g h a n 43 Biases in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Literature Review H e id i Z m ic k  Maggie and Meaning in Toni Morrisons Recitatif B re t V o llm e r I n a 1983 interview with Claudia Tate, Toni Morrison confronts both reader subjectivity and opening her texts to that subjectivity. She explains that her language has to be quiet; it has to engage your participation...[it] has to have holes and spaces so that the reader can come into it. Morrisons short story Recitatif is remarkable for the deliberate gaps created by an absence of narrative resolution and the intentional holes Morrison leaves in her characterization of the protagonists Twyla and Roberta; although Morrison introduces the two girls-both left at an orphanage by their absentee mothers--with the suggestion that one is black and one is white, she never identifies which is which. Instead, Morrison engages reader participation and subjectivity in asking how we might locate characters identity in a story in which the coded language of racial difference has been erased. Morrison similarly demonstrates through the racially ambiguous character Maggie, that our fabricated notions of race exist only as categories of difference rather than as positive entities. In these ways, Recitatif asks how its characters and readers alike might negotiate questions of identity, history and trauma in the absence of false social binaries. Much in Recitatif resists deterministic reading. This foregrounding of reader subjectivity is perhaps most immediately apparent in Morrisons refusal to re- veal the race of the storys narrator Twyla or her counterpart Roberta. In her essay The Color Fetish, Morrison identifies Recitatif as her first attempt at this technique of racial erasure: rather than relying on the coded colorism that exists in American literature as the ultimate narrative shortcut, Morrison describes her choice to withhold racialized physical descriptions as an effort to annihilate and discredit the routine, easy, available color fetish. In place of rote references to complexion, Morrison employs a meticulously ambivalent system of class and social signifiers that, depending on reader subjectivity, can be read as indicating the protagonists race, but never definitively. True to Morrisons sociological commentary, the storys existing identifiers typically appear as symmetrically functioning codes...deconstruct[ing] the black / white binary to reveal the limitations of Americas rigid racial discourse (Benjamin 89). In short, efforts to parse the racial identities of Twyla, Roberta or later Maggie fall into the very conventional cliches of reading that the story has been so carefully crafted to challenge (Tally 104). Morrison goes on to explain that insofar as the technique of racial erasure exists in her novels, she theatricalize[s] the point by not only refusing to rest on racial signs but also alerting the reader to [her] strategy (Morrison, Color Fetish). In Recitatif, Morrison dramaINSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 1 Maggie and Me aning in Toni Morrison s Recitatif tizes the slippage of racial coding--and the foregrounding of reader subjectivity--via Twyla and Robertas respective reading of Maggie. Morrison demonstrates the limitations of relying on what she terms the discredited difference of race and disability through Twyla and Robertas competing, racialized readings of Maggie (Morrison, American Africanism 1674). Significantly, Twyla describes Maggie as old and sandy-colored which is the only racialized physical description of any character in the story (Morrison, Recitatif 2155). However, it is also a description marked by ambiguity: Maggie could potentially identify as black, white or of mixed heritage. Despite its indeterminacy, the independent nature of the descriptor sandy-colored also differentiates Maggie from Twyla and Roberta who have racial identity only through difference from one another, thus affirming Maggie as a positive entity existing in the space between binaries (Ioanes 118). Nevertheless, Twylas most comprehensive description of Maggie is also markedly insubstantial: she is the orphanages kitchen woman with legs like parentheses, a characterization that suggests Maggies initially parenthetical role in Twyla and Robertas story (Morrison, Recitatif 2154). As a figure of marginalization, Maggie is both represented and obscured by the metonym of her disability: as Twyla explains, I dont know if she was nice or not. I just remember her legs like parentheses and how she rocked when she walked (Morrison, Recitatif 2155). Maggies position as an object of Twylas memory reduces her to that which Twyla (and later Roberta) subjectively projects onto her--specifically, Maggies rocking which Twyla later admits to associating with her own absent, dancing mother (Morrison, Recitatif 2164). This acknowledged process of projection is crucial to interpreting Roberta and Twylas 2 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 racialized readings of Maggie amidst the school bussing debate. In reuniting as adults on opposite sides of the school desegregation debate, Twyla and Robertas competing, racialized readings of Maggie--a figure from their now-repressed childhood at the orphanage--overshadow the womens understanding of their shared trauma and their present disagreement over their childrens future. When Roberta believes Twyla has call[ed her] a bigot, Roberta shifts this charge back to Twyla by accusing Twyla of being the same little state kid who kicked a poor old black lady (Morrison, Recitatif 2163). This racialized description of Maggie is conspicuously contextualized as helping Roberta deflect Twylas accusation of racism--an accusation that Roberta infers but which Twyla never makes explicit. Similarly, Twyla reflexively overlooks Robertas accusation of violence, but is puzzled by [Roberta] telling [her] Maggie was black, concluding she actually couldnt be certain (Morrison, Recitatif 2164). In both instances, the protagonists racialized reading of Maggie subsumes more immediate questions of violence, guilt, repression and reconciliation. Not only does Twyla and Robertas puzzlement over Maggies race mirror the readers own possible insistence on identifying the race of the protagonists, it dramatizes the aggravat[ing]...tremor that breaks into discourse on race (Morris 173; Morrison, American Africanism 1676). The fact that the womens highly personalized fight manifests in the context of a picket line and the contest of signs...works as a self-referential moment, pointing us to the fact that the whole story is about reading signifiers (Morgenstern 819). That the question of Maggies race supersedes the question of Maggies trauma illustrates how the grammar of racial difference can obscure discussions of the underlying realities of subordination and violence. Twylas ten- Maggie and Me aning in Toni Morrison s Recitatif tative conclusion via negation--that Maggie wasnt pitch black...or [she] would have remembered--similarly affirms that such racial dichotomies mean only in relationship to one another, not as independent positive entities (Morrison, Recitatif 2164; Morgenstern 819). Twyla and Robertas eventual acceptance of Maggies racial ambiguity represents a newly-realized commitment to recover[ing Maggie] from the recesses of cultural memory, thus exposing the flawed ideological basis of that cultural memory--specifically the definition of identity via racial difference (Morrison, Recitatif 2165; Stanley 74). In a story in which the un-fixedness of racial binaries invite competing readings of identity markers, Morrison anticipates reader responses to Recitatif that prioritize determining the racial identities of its characters. Similarly, Twyla and Robertas oppositional reading of Maggies race dramatizes Morrisons strategy of highlighting reader subjectivity. However, Maggies association with ambiguity and trauma also places her at the unresolvable center of Recitatifs narrative. In addition to exposing the limitations of reifying discredited difference, Maggie embodies the narrative inconclusiveness that punctuates Recitatif. In this respect, Morrison forces the reader to confront the initial assumption that Maggie is parenthetical at all. Although she initially constitutes a spectral presence in Twylas narration, Maggies literal and figurative silence also demands critical interpretation from Twyla as she recalls that [t]he kids said [Maggie] had her tongue cut out, but I think she was just born that way: mute (Morris 171; Morrison, Recitatif 2154). Indeed, if Maggies limited characterization seems at first glance to indicate her objectification, Morrison continually reaffirms the need of her characters to fill in the gaps of [Maggies] minimally represented self (Sklar 151). To this end, Twyla as an adult narrator confronts the unsympathetic conclusions of her former self--that Maggies muteness also implied deafness--stating, I think we were wrong. I think [Maggie] could hear and didnt let on. And it shames me even now to think there was somebody in there after all who heard us call her those names and couldnt tell on us (Morrison, Recitatif 2155). In remembering her and Roberta calling Maggie dummy, Twyla instinctively recognizes the power of language to legitimate value for one group and to impose the role of social and corporeal inferiority on another (Stanley 78). Such reflection becomes increasingly central to Recitatif as the narrative and symbolic significance of Maggie becomes more and more apparent in each of Twyla and Robertas encounters where they continually restag[e] the repressed ideological and psychological interactions that occurred in the orchard (Stanley 80). Although Twyla is initially elliptical in referring to the trauma on the day...Maggie fell down, the subsequent investigation into Twyla and Robertas repression--the pitched battle between remembering and forgetting--emerges as the storys central narrative drive (Morrison, Recitatif 2155; Morrison, Carve Out). Through this process, Maggie comes into view not merely as a figure of marginalization or a site for projection, but as a a parenthetical element, a person really, who challenges the supposedly superfluous quality of the parenthesis itself (Benjamin 91). The consolidating, concluding question What the hell happened to Maggie? represents not only the unresolvable narrative gap at the heart of the story, but also a means of recovering personal memory and identity for the storys protagonists (Morrison, Recitatif 2164; Ioanes 118). The interrogative nature of What the hell happened to Maggie? provides a framework through which Twyla and RoINSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 3 berta learn to locate their past and present selves via a shared dialogue. In her speech Unspeakable Things Unspoken, Morrison describes the act of questioning as an egalitarianism that places us all (reader, the novels population, the narrators voice) on the same footing, and it is the question of Maggies trauma that puts Twyla, Roberta and the reader all on the same footing in considering a common past--even despite the distancing effects of race and diegesis. Even during their fight amidst the bussing debate, Twyla concedes that my sign didnt make sense without Robertas, thus confirming their mutual reliance to make meaning of their world (Morrison, Recitatif 2163). Despite the contentiousness of Twyla and Robertas adult encounters, it is only through the dialogic, the interaction, the taking of the time to address one another that the story of the exchange...represents our hope of discovering some space of possibility, of freedom (Busia 167). After their argument at the picket line, Twyla and Roberta reconvene to reflect on their shared experience at the orphanage: We were kids, Roberta. Yeah. Yeah. I know, just kids. Eight. Eight. And lonely. Scared too. (Morrison, Recitatif 2165) By locating the emotional reality of their past and current selves, Twyla and Robertas sustained dialogue illustrates the importance of investigating communal trauma even if the specific question, What the hell happened to Maggie? remains unanswered. Indeed, Recitatif emphasizes one of Morrisons primary themes, the assertion that shared emotional experiences, although often profoundly distorted by perceptions of difference, are the most accurate and solid foundation available for authen4 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 tic human connection (Gillespie 162). As a figure that exists in the space between distorting binaries, Maggie embodies a shared narrative that provides common ground for the protagonists to rewrite, even if they are unable to resolve their conflicting versions of history (Benjamin 91). In a story in which the language of racial difference has been erased, racially ambiguous Maggie embodies the elusive truth of a traumatic communal history. Morrisons adult protagonists initially suffer under the distancing influence of a reductive racial dichotomy by refusing to acknowledge their childhood connection and trauma. By learning to empathetically investigate Maggies silence and trauma--a violent event that links all three characters--rather than just her race, Twyla and Roberta eventually emerge as individuals defined by their shared experiences rather than their racial differences. Morrison makes clear that these are lessons not only for her characters, but also her readers; by withholding the grammar of racial contrast from her characterizations, Morrison exposes the more pressing realities of violence and social subordination. Similarly, the storys central yet irresolvable question, What the hell happened to Maggie? inspires Twyla and Roberta to overcome their repression through dialogue, thus providing an epistemic framework for a fractured society. In having her protagonists learn to negotiate identity through empathetic exchange rather than categories of difference, Morrison demonstrates the potential of recognizing our common vulnerability as a means of seeing past the distorting influence of false binaries. Maggie and Me aning in Toni Morrison s Recitatif WORKS CITED Benjamin, Shanna Greene. The Space that Race Creates: An Interstitial Analysis of Toni Morrisons Recitatif . Studies in American Fiction, vol. 40 no. 1, 2013, p. 87-106. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/ saf.2013.0004. Burton, Zisca. Blooms How to Write About Toni Morrison. Edited by Harold Bloom, Blooms Literary Criticism, 2008. Campbell, W. John. Toni Morrison: Her Life and Works. The Wonderland Press, 2003. David, Ron. Toni Morrison Explained: A Readers Road Map to the Novels. Random House, 2000. Gillespie, Carmen. Critical Companion to Toni Morrison: A Literary Reference to Her Life and Work. Facts on File, 2008. Ioanes, Anna. Disgust in Silhouette: Toni Morrison, Kara Walker, and the Aesthetics of Violence. Journal of Modern Literature, vol. 42 no. 3, 2019, p. 110-128. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/729782. Morgenstern, Naomi. Literature Reads Theory: Remarks on Teaching with Toni Morrison. University of Toronto Quarterly, vol. 74 no. 3, 2005, p. 816-828. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/utq.2005.0263. Morris, Susana M. Sisters separated for much too long: Womens Friendship and Power in Toni Morrisons Recitatif . Tulsa Studies in Womens Literature, vol. 32 no. 1, 2013, p. 159-180. Project MUSE muse. jhu.edu/article/536395. Morrison, Toni. American Africanism. Anthology of American Literature Volume II, edited by George McMichael, James S. Leonard, Longman, 2011, pp. 1674-1679. Morrison, Toni. I Wanted to Carve Out a World Both Culture Specific and Race-Free: an Essay by Toni Morrison. The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 8 Aug. 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/ books/2019/aug/08/toni-morrison-rememory-essay. Morrison, Toni. Recitatif Anthology of American Literature Volume II, edited by George McMichael, James S. Leonard, Longman, 2011, pp. 2153 - 2165. Morrison, Toni. The Color Fetish. The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 13 Sept. 2017, https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/the-color-fetish. Morrison, Toni. Unspeakable Things Unspoken: The Afro-American Presence in American Literature. 7 October 2003, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. Keynote Address. Schreiber, Evelyn Jaffe. Race, Trauma, and Home in the Novels of Toni Morrison. Louisiana State University Press, 2010. Sklar, Howard. What the Hell Happened to Maggie?: Stereotype, Sympathy, and Disability in Toni Morrisons Recitatif . Journal of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies, vol. 5 no. 2, 2011, p. 137-154. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/441686. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 5 Maggie and Me aning in Toni Morrison s Recitatif Stanley, Sandra Kumamoto. Maggie in Toni Morrisons Recitatif : The Africanist Presence and Disability Studies. MELUS: Multi-Ethnic Literature of the U.S., vol. 36 no. 2, 2011, p. 71-88. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/mel.2011.0034. Tally, Justine, editor. The Cambridge Companion to Toni Morrison. Cambridge University Press, 2009. Tate, Claudia. Toni Morrison. Black Women Writers at Work. Edited by Claudia Tate. Continuum, 1983. 6 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge A le x H e is te r INTRODUCTION Starting in late 2017 and moving on into early 2018, a social media challenge known as the Tide Pod Challenge emerged. The challenge encouraged participants (namely teenagers and children) to eat Tide Pods due to their colorful appearance and gummy texture. Though this seemed to be a challenge similar to previous ones such as the Cinnamon Challenge and the Warhead Challenge, it came with the risk of causing chemical burns in the mouth and throat of the participants as the outer coating of the pod dissolved once making contact with saliva, allowing the inedible ingredients inside to spill out. In the most extreme cases, this led to participants dying due to chemical poisoning. The company responsible for the Tide Pod Product, Proctor and Gamble Co., was criticized for making a cleaning product with food like qualities. The issue of the challenge itself and the appearance of Tide Pods were presented and tackled in several news articles. METHODS AND DATA In order to analyze this social problem, a content analysis was performed on ten articles reporting on this issue from January to February of 2018. The articles themselves were taken from multiple different media agencies, each with different strategies on how to deliver the same information while providing new perspectives. These articles were taken from The Student Life, The Sun, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Huffington Post, Langley Times, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, UWire, Business Standard, and Daily Mail. In order to analyze each article, each report was broken down and coded into three categories: Grounds, warrants, and conclusions. Grounds describes the factual areas of the claim, warrants describe why we (as citizens) should care about the claim, and conclusions summarize what is believed to be the best response to the social problem or what responses have already been made. Also, a peer coded five of the articles in order to provide establish intercoder reliability. While our agreement on conclusions was high, we seemed to frequently disagree on whether an article was trying to make a ground or warrant. GROUNDS Many of the articles try to establish why Tide Pods became the focus of the challenge and why some people are engaging in the challenge while providing the statistics on the number of incidents reported. According to the sampled articles, the Tide Pods take on a gummy, colorful look that makes it seem like an edible, delicious snack. The Student Life mentions INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 7 Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge that, due to the appearance of the pods, a joke started to float around that it was a forbidden snack. The same article claims The Tide Pod challenge isnt like any of the food challenges that came before it. Tide Pods arent food, so nothing has to be done to them to make them more challenging. The challenge isnt about overcoming fear. Its about giving in to desire (Brooks, 2018). From this explanation, it seems as though the author connects the challenge to other dangerous activities that are associated with teenagers such as cliff diving as the participants are meant to overcome a fear of pain and death rather than consuming something they find repulsive. When trying to explain why people were engaging in the challenge, the Langley Times claims that there are multiple reasons such as the desire to instigate drama or the thirst for notoriety. Another explanation for the behavior is brain science that explains that teenagers are more prone to questionable or dangerous behavior due to an underdeveloped pre-frontal cortex. As an extension of the brain science explanation, the article states no wonder then, that its hard for us as adults to put ourselves in that mindset even though we were all once teenagers, too. The wiring is complete, so we cant see ourselves ever making decisions that would put our health in jeopardy for no discernible reason (Anderson, 2018). The attempt to connect the appeal of the challenge to brain science seems to try to simplify the problem rather than investigate other variables. True, the article mentions drama and notoriety as other reasons, but they are only briefly mentioned and not expanded on unlike the brain science explanation. Seven out of ten of the articles also mentioned statistics related to the reported incidents of Tide Pod ingestion. Many of the articles seem to throw the statistics out there, but choose not to expand on it. 8 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 The New York Times and The Washington Post both bring up the overall statistics for reported cases to the Association of Poison Control Centers (AAPCC) concerning children ingesting laundry pods. However, The Washington Post was the only one that tried to break down the statistics and compare them to other issues relating to children ingesting toxic products. Not only does the article state that the trend for laundry pod exposure has decreased, but the issue of laundry pod exposure itself is not as severe as hand sanitizers, toothpaste, or deodorants. It even goes as far as to mention that the reports reflect suspicion of ingestion along with actual cases of ingestion. WARR ANTS When it comes to these articles trying to establish why people should be concerned about the issue of the Tide Pod Challenge, the main strategy seems to be describing the symptoms of those who ingest Tide Pods while emphasizing that children and teenagers are at risk of dying from the challenge, feeding into the fear of someone losing their child. Seven out of ten of the sampled articles took the time to describe the symptoms of Tide Pod ingestion. According to these articles, symptoms such as burning, vomiting, diarrhea, and seizures can be expected if someone were to break open the pod while it was in their mouth. However, the presentation of the symptoms seems to differ. One of the milder expositions of why the pods were dangerous came from The Sun, which said the substances inside these pods are highly poisonous and pose serious health risks if they are ingested. Even a small amount of the highly-concentrated liquid detergent can cause diarrhea, vomiting, and breathing difficulties. At worse, they can even lead to death (Hyatt, 2018). Here, the article does not try to capitalize the life-threatening risk of the challenge, Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge though it does acknowledge that death is a possibility when someone ingests Tide Pods. It could be argued that this would lean closer to a ground classification due to the lack of emotional emphasis on the symptoms of laundry detergent ingestion. On the other side of the spectrum, The New York Times puts in more description when describing the symptoms. The article describes Tide Pods as highly concentrated detergent and a variety of chemicals are inside, depending on the brand (Chokoshi, 2018). Then, the article moves on to say, what weve seen is when children or adults bite into these things that moisture-sensitive membranes basically just disintegrates and the contents explode inside your mouth... Thats when the pain sets in. The chemicals cause severe burns to the mouth, esophagus, or respiratory tract, she said, adding that some very young and very old patients with cognitive issues have been rushed to emergency rooms or even died as a result of eating the packets (Chokshi, 2018). Here, the article places a narrative so the reader can better understand how events would play out if they were to ingest a Tide Pod, creating an emotional reaction when it finally reaches the symptoms. Instead of just listing off the symptoms, it emphasizes the pain that someone experiences when they eat a pod. It moves on to suggest that those who ingest Tide Pods have to go to the emergency room and receive immediate medical care as their life is in danger. When comparing these two descriptions, it is clear that one is more focused on simply listing off the symptoms while the other is more focused on delivering the message that eating Tide Pods is dangerous and life threatening. It can be argued that The New York Times did a better job of instigating a fear of the challenge by providing a narrative and descriptive language to engage and frighten the audience. CONCLUSIONS Out of the ten articles, only three report on the PSA that Procter & Gamble Co. released on the subject while only four mentioned the measures that YouTube and Facebook have taken to remove videos of teenagers ingesting Tide Pods. As far as dealing with the issue of teens taking on dangerous challenges, almost none of the articles seem to be aware of the root problem. Instead, many either try to suggest or report on measures to rebrand the product to make it less appealing. In the Business Standard article, the author quotes from Deepak Morada who claims that the company should immediately pull the product off the retail shelves and distribution pipelines, and replace them with a product with features designed to avoid any unintended misuse. New packaging should be clearly labeled to avoid confusion (Sharma, 2018). In an article by the Daily Mails, Tide was reported to respond to the issue by adding an ingredient called denatonium benzoate, which is seen as the worlds most bitter tasting substance. The company hoped that the bitter flavor would cause children to spit the detergent out immediately and never try it again (Sheets, 2018). In both of these articles, its clear that the focus is not to discourage potentially life-threatening social media challenges, but to instead prevent people from eating Tide Pods. One of the few articles that try to deal with the dangers of social media challenges was the Langley Times, which said experts say parents should talk to their kids about why theyre feeling they need to take part in something potentially harmful. Its a conversation, they say, that can lead to a deeper discussion about decision making and online behaviors (Anderson, 2018). This conclusion does not aim to stop the Tide Pod Challenge, but instead aims to prevent dangerous challenges that could replace the aforementioned challenge once INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 9 Constructionist Analysis of the Tide Pod Challenge either its attention has been lost or enough preventions measures have been established to discourage the current challenge. CONCLUSION In conclusion, ten articles concerning the social problem of the Tide Pod Challenge were collected and analyzed. Each article attempted to summarize the social problem and present them to their audience with varying degrees of objectivity. When analyzing the grounds of each article, many were able to summarize the challenge and explain why Tide Pods became the focus of attention. Although 70% of the articles mentioned statistics relating to the reported cases of Tide Pod poisoning, only one tried to break down the statistics and provide greater context to properly educate the audience. As far as warrants are concerned, most articles used their descriptions of symptoms as emotional tools to instill fear in the audience rather than informing them of the realistic risks and concerns of the social problem. Conclusions, on the other hand, seemed less concerned with addressing the factors that lead teenagers to establishing the Tide Pod Challenge and instead focused on how to make the challenge more unappealing. As a whole, while it seems like many of these articles succeeded in introducing the concept of the Tide Pod Challenge and encouraging their audience to care about the safety of children and teenagers that were at risk, many failed to properly use their statistics and address the root problem. ARTICLES ANALYZED Business Standard 1: http://www.business-standard.com/article/specials/tide-pod-crisis-shows-brands-must-reflect-true-personality-on-social-media-118021401444_1.html (Sharma, 2018) Daily Mail 2: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/health/article-5373525/Tide-Pods-look-delicious-lawmakers-say.html (Sheets, 2018) The Huffington Post 3: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/tide-pod-video-crackdown_ us_5a60bc03e4b062a7df0b9fe5 (Golgowski, 2018) Langley Times 4: https://www.langleytimes.com/opinion/a-challenge-to-common-sense/ (Anderson, 2018) The New York Times 5: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/20/us/tide-pod-challenge.html (Chokshi, 2018) St. Louis Post-Dispatch 6: http://www.stltoday.com/business/local/tide-pod-challenge-is-dangerousand-concerning-procter-gamble-ceo/article_bb9988b5-92c4-50adad3f-b0d907fc9fe7.html (Associated Press, 2018) The Student Life 7: http://tsl.news/life-style/7239/ (Brooks, 2018) 10 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 The Sun 8: https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/5331006/tide-pod-challenge-eating-memes-safe/ (Hyatt, 2018) UWire 9: https://global-factiva-com.ezpvcc.vccs.edu:2443/redir/default.aspx?P=sa&NS=16&AID=9VIV000400&an=UWIR000020180223ee2n001a2&cat=a&ep=ASI (Nyugen, 2018) The Washington Post 10: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2018/01/16/therewere-over-10000-poison-control-calls-for-people-eating-laundrypods-last-year/?utm_term=.77b3281b95a8 (Ingraham, 2018) INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 11 R acial Construction bet ween the U.S. and Japan Racial Construction between the U.S. and Japan A k e m i F u jii T hroughout history, societies have constructed their own racial hierarchy for a dominant group to maintain its power, wealth, and authority. Each societys racial hierarchy reflects the specificities of its culture and history. Whereas the Japanese understand race in relation to nationality, race is constructed on the basis of skin color in the U.S. Although the legacy of legalized slavery informs racism in both countries, and this history continues to have tremendously negative effects in every aspect of life. Japan and the U.S. enslaved different groups of people. Japan invaded Asian countries and forced their citizens to migrate to Japan as a labor force to support imperialism. The U.S. purchased slaves from the African continent to support colonialism. American slaves were of American heritage; their labor was exploited to sustain the profitability of plantation agriculture and U.S. economic growth. Once a racial construction is formed, minority groups are deprived of their rights systemically, and minority groups have not yet escaped from a socially designed system of racial hierarchy that can be traced back to now-historical institutionalizes slavery. In The Social Construction of Race and Minorities in Japan, Yamashiro explained how Japanese history has played a role in developing its own racism. Japan tried to establish the models of higher in12 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 dustrialization and powerful militaries from the West in the late 1800s and the early 1900s. During this period, Japanese leaders feared that a failure to engage in imperialism-as the Western countries were then doing would make Japan itself vulnerable to foreign domination. Japan built imperialism by excluding racial diversity. Historically, when Japan attempted to expand its territory, it engulfed other races: Okinawa, China, Taiwan, Korea, and Pacific Islands (148). In Japan race is not always associated with the color of skin. According to Yamashiro, the criteria to be fully recognized as Japanese are nationality, ancestry, language competence, birthplace, current residence, level of cultural literacy, and subjective identity (Yamashiro 151). Whereas the U.S. traces its construction of racial hierarchy to the import and reproduction of enslaved Africans, Japans racial hierarchy derives from its ear of imperialism. To understand how the U.S. has constructed racial hierarchy, Michele Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow explains how U.S. history has played a role in developing its own racism. The earlier settlers in the U.S. purchased slaves from the African continent. Since then, the U.S. has organized legal and political mechanisms to keep African Americans under their control. Even though slavery and Jim Crow are history, a similar amount discrimination R acial Construction bet ween the U.S. and Japan against African Americans still exists (2340). Alexander says African Americans repeatedly have been controlled through institutions such as slavery and Jim Crow, which appear to die, but then are reborn in new form (21). Whereas the laws which once supported slavery have been abolished-just as Japanese imperialism ended decades ago, the racial hierarchies constructed to sustain and justify those practices have persisted. Yamashiro takes a look at how one specific racial minority group in Japan has been kept in the subordinate social class. The second largest minority group in Japan is Korean-Japanese. Their ancestors were encouraged or forced to migrate to Japan as a facet of Japanese imperialism. Korean descendants were born in Japan and they speak Japanese. However, they are not Japanese citizens. To be legalized as a Japanese citizen, one of their first ancestors should be born in Japan. Even if they are culturally and socially Japanese, they belong to one of minority groups in Japan (154). The deprivation of citizenship is a practice that has been used to discriminate against a specific race; it has been normalized in Japan. It has kept Korean-Japanese excluded from the Japanese mainstream and forced to remain in a subordinate social status. Since the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prevents the government from depriving U.S. born individuals of citizenship, American society was obliged to resort to other mechanisms to keep the descendants of African slaves in a subordinate class. According to Alexander, mass incarceration is one of examples how minority groups are mistreated. Mass incarceration targets a specific racial minority, which is a new form of legislative discrimination, but it has been normalized. Alexander describes the situation as treated here in America as a basic fact of life (Alexander 181). This social exclusion is legalized discrimination (Alexander 191). African American ex-offenders even with minor charges are subject to legalized forms of discrimination that limit or prohibit access to employment, housing, public benefits, and public accommodation (191). Alexander describes the challenge of ex-offenders: Upon release, ex-offenders are discriminated against, legally, for the rest of their lives and most will eventually return to prison. They are members of Americas new undercaste (Alexander 17). According to Alexander, people who belong to the undercaste are permanently excluded from the mainstream by law. The current criminal justice system targets African Americans in order to create an under-caste, the members of which are denied the prospect of upward social and economic mobility, as well as political rights (13). Discrimination which exists in social, political and economic life is perfectly legal like Jim Crow (192). Japan has targeted specific minority groups to exclude them from the mainstream by using social systems as regulation of citizenship in Japan. The U.S. has used mass incarceration to keep African Americans subordinate. Both strategies have succeeded in keeping minority groups in the subordinate social class. The subordination of minority groups within a racial hierarchy is reinforced by socializing members of the dominant group to feel hatred toward them. In the article of Responding to Hate in Contemporary Japan, Youngmi writes about the hate speech against Korean population in Japan, which is called Zainichi. Once people identify individuals as Zainichi, they become the target of hate speech (241). Youngmi further asserts that Zainichi have a unique status in Japan. On one hand, their ancestors were enslaved by Japan, and they themselves have been kept in a subordinate social class. On the other hand, they have received financial compensation from the government as a form of reparations after Japan lost WWII and withdrew from the INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 13 R acial Construction bet ween the U.S. and Japan Korean peninsula. Some right-wing activists claim that this compensation is a waste of taxes (248). Zainichi constantly remind the Japanese of a dark phase in their history, and thus pose a threat to the basis of national self-confidence. The past is not just the past: as part of a national history, slavery and imperialism continues to exercise powerful, negative legacies, especially in the form of persisting hatred. Likewise, slavery may have been abolished in the U.S., but its legacy is evident in the stigmatization of African Americans. Alexander points out that African Americans still experience the burdens of slavery, in that they do not have equal access to social, political and economic opportunities (141). According to Alexander, racial animus is used to control minority groups to maintain a nation (Alexander 183). Mass incarceration presents itself as a tool to fight crime, instead, it is actually a means to create a caste and is driven by hatred felt toward African Americans (183). Since it is driven by hatred, Alexander has contended that the collapse of mass incarceration will not mean the death of racial caste in America. Inevitably a new system of racialized social control will emerge (Alexander 19). It is tremendously difficult for minority groups to escape a socially-constructed loop that is designed to keep them subordinate. One discriminatory system may be abolished, but a new one will be created to replace it as long as hatred of the subordinate group persists. Such embedded and widespread hatred toward members of the subordinate group sometimes comes to the surface. Youngmi isolated specific moments when hate speech against Zainichi grew particularly common and intense, as when Zainichi secured some improvement in their social, legal, or material status. One of the most common forms of hate speech is to convince Japanese that Zainichi do not de14 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 serve the full Japanese citizenship. Youngmi also has found that the internet has a great influence on the hate speech. Right wing activists upload anti-Zainichi videos on the internet in addition to organizing rallies on the street (243). One of Korean-Japanese organizations runs Korean schools in Japan. The students are taught in Korean only and wear a traditional Korean attire as uniform (241). There is one Korean University in Japan, and they are the target of perpetual harassments from the right-wing activists (245). Often, such activists claim that these Korean schools and the Korean University are affiliated with North Korea. Since Japan is at odds with North Korea, this association stimulates further hatred against Korean-Japanese. Whenever the tension between Japan and North Korea gets worse, Korean schools are targeted (254). If school officials report harassment to the police, they risk attracting further scrutiny. Worse, they risk provoking retaliation (247). On macro level, social media has systematically reinforced hatred felt toward Zainichi. On the micro level, it has made individual Korean-Japanese feel less safe in their daily life. Mass media, too, is a powerful vehicle when it comes to reinforcing hatred of racial minorities. As Alexander reports, the evening news has repeatedly shown images of African American men in handcuffs for the past thirty years, which has the effect of sustaining support for mass incarceration (182). Alexander says political campaigns have taken advantage of the power of media, and media shapes negative public sense of perceptions of minority groups (105, 101). Since minority groups have learned society has judged them falsely based on inaccurate or distorted images disseminated by mass media, they are reluctant to interact with authorities. Alexander has reported the concern that Even though who knew they were eligible to register worried that registering to vote would somehow at- R acial Construction bet ween the U.S. and Japan tract attention to them-perhaps land them back in jail (Alexander 160). Without the right to vote, people are not full citizens (140). Whether the mechanisms are overt or embedded in institutionalized practice, Korean-Japanese and African Americans have both been deprived of their rights to participate fully in their respective societies. The absence of political rights means that individuals find themselves unable to escape from a subordinate socio-economic class. In the article of Bringing Class Back In, Kim explains the strong connection between race and social class among Korean-Japanese. By the 1950s, Korean immigrants and their children were subject to strict surveillance and legalized discrimination by the Japanese government. One of the significant example is the right to vote. Even if Korean descendants were born and raised in Japan, they are foreigners in Japan and are not granted the right to vote (875). The right to vote is one of essential civil rights, and it is one of aspects of a full citizen. Without the right to vote, people cannot participate society. Alexander also points out that the significance of vote. Disenfranchisement not only prevents minority groups from having power within the political system, but is also keeps them in a socially subordinate position (161). Alexander reports that one of ex-offender reflected, So basically Ive lost all voice or control over my government (Alexander 161). This inequality creates huge socio-economic disparities between Koreans and Japanese and between Caucasian and African Americans. The lower socio-economic status of Korean-Japanese adds to the hostility and prejudice that many Japanese feel toward them. As a result of the legalized discrimination and their historic subordination, many Korean-Japanese have been obliged to perform unpleasant, dirty, low-paying, low-quality, and antisocial jobs. Further, their precarious status has tended to result in a higher rate of unemployment, as well as greater dependency on government benefits (877). The crime rate among Koreans-Japanese was high, so they were perceived as criminals. Low income tends to accompany lower levels of education (879). Jobs and professions are thus sources not only income but also social status. Alexander has similarly identified a strong connection between job opportunities and social status in the case of the U.S. and African Americans. According to Alexander, globalization has particularly harmed inner cities (50). When job opportunities decline in inner cities, it triggers the residents to sell drugs (51). As a result of these developments, as well as racial prejudice, police expect drug dealers to be Black or people of color (123). Alexander introduces the estimate that three out of four young black men (and nearly all those in the poorest neighborhoods) can expect to serve time in prison (Alexander 7). As the primary victims of social and economic development that have deprived them of rights and opportunities, Blacks and other American minorities find that the bias against them is systemic. Racism reflects unconscious and/ or conscious biases that lead to value judgments that reinforce the superior status of the dominant group. Alexander contends that racism appears in two distinct guises: individual and institutional (184). Unconscious biases help Americans to comfort themselves with the belief that the system is just: they convince themselves that young African American men have freely chosen a life of crime. They do not take into account the systemic barriers that reduce the range of options available to them (184). Alexander observes that negative association tied to being Black are part of how African Americans are stigmatized (197). The greatest achievement of implicit racism is that INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 15 R acial Construction bet ween the U.S. and Japan people can be genuinely convinced that racism and racially based caste no longer exists, despite evidence to the contrary. Both unconscious and conscious biases perpetuate social distinctions. These distinctions are reinforced by both individual behavior and institutions. Systemic social stratification will keep recurring to keep minority groups in the lower social caste. Across societies and across historical eras, dominant groups have identified and denigrated racial minorities as a means to maintain their superior status. In Japan a dominant group has constructed racial hierarchy using nationality. Japan has limited citizenship to those who have Japanese ancestors. Korean-Japanese are not legal Japanese because they have ancestors who were former slaves in Japan. Japan has deprived Korean-Japanese of full citizenship, thus keeping them in the subordinate. In the U.S. a dominant group has constructed racial hierarchy using color of skin. The U.S. brought African Americans to the country as slaves, and has used various mechanisms to keep African Americans subordinate even after the abolition of slavery. Since the end of Jim Crow laws, mass incarceration emerged as a systemic way to keep African American deprived of rights. Recently, mass incarceration is one of normalized systems to lock African Americans in jail and deprive their rights after jail. Both Japan and the U.S. have selected specific minority groups and given racial stigma to control minority groups. The dominant groups in Japan and the U.S. have constructed race, thereby making dominant groups superior and minority groups inferior. Discrimination has prevented members of racialized minorities from enjoying full access to any aspect of national life. Although Japan and the U.S. have different strategies to keep minority groups in the subordinate status, minority groups have been systemically deprived their rights and full citizenship. They have found themselves trapped in a negative feedback loop that keeps them subordinate. WORKS CITED Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press, 2010. Kim, Bumsoo. Bringing Class Back in: The Changing Basis of Inequality and the Korean Minority in Japan. Ethnic & Racial Studies, vol. 31, no. 5, July 2008, pp. 871898. SocINDEX, doi:10.1080/01419870701682279. Lim, Youngmi. Responding to Hate in Contemporary Japan: Fragmenting Factors Obstructing Effective Ethnic Advocacy. Social Science Japan Journal, vol. 21, no. 2, Summer 2018, pp. 239259. SocINDEX, doi:10.1093/ssjj/jyy022. Yamashiro, Jane H. The Social Construction of Race and Minorities in Japan. Sociology Compass, vol. 7, no. 2, Feb. 2013, pp. 147-161. SocINDEX, doi: 10.1111/soc4.12013. 16 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 Hemp: The Misunderstood Crop Luke Keyser H emp is a widely misunderstood resource. One tends to immediately think of marijuana when they hear the word hemp. Because marijuana is still illegal in many states that hemp is legal in, people can easily confuse the two plants. Due to this misconception hemp and marijuana have almost become synonymous in the minds of many. To reduce misconceptions, this essay will provide an informative corrective of hemp, highlighting its history and the purposes it can serve. That is, research on both the legality of hemp and its growing practices will be presented. Additionally, the actual science behind the plant and its byproducts will be shared. The primary conclusion is that hemp is a useful natural resource with a misunderstood past. Before beginning to share about this topic, and in the spirit of full disclosure, it is important to note that the author worked on a farm growing hemp. During this experience, the crop was grown from clones to fully mature plants, to being shucked and processed. What makes hemp different from marijuana? Both plants are considered to be examples of Cannabis Sativa but they have a key biological difference. They both naturally produce tetrahydrocannabinol or (THC) as well as producing cannabidiol or (CBD). Despite this, both plants have dramatically different ratios of these components. THC is essentially the plants version of adrenaline and is also what causes a psy- choactive response when ingested. CBD is a chemical compound in the cannabis plant that has shown to have medical benefits to humans. According to hemp industry analysis Mari Kane, hemp naturally produces high CBD while maintaining low THC production. Whereas marijuana produces a low level of CBD while producing heavy amounts of THC. A brief history further explains the distinguish-meant of hemp from marijuana. From the founding of the United States to modern day, the way hemp has been viewed and considered has changed numerous times. During the colonial era, hemp was an unregulated and standard crop for farmers all over the United States. According to Mari Kane, colonial era, Thomas Jefferson, then ambassador to France, smuggled illegally obtained Chinese hemp seeds to the colonies. Those same seeds were eventually hybridized to create the famous Kentucky Hemp strain. Kane later mentions that hemp was a valued commodity from the 1800s up until the 1900s. It was not until the first half of the 20th century that hemp transformed from a cash crop to a dangerous crop. Unfortunately, Hollywood racialized the crop with the 1936 Reefer Madness, a movie that made hemp and marijuana gain a bad reputation (Kane). Although Reefer Madness aimed to put marijuana in a bad light, hemp was also affected due to the fact that they are both members of the cannabis family. Despite INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 17 Hemp: The Misunderstood Crop the campaign against marijuana and hemp, there was still advocacy for the potential benefits of the plants. In 1937, the magazine Popular Mechanics declared hemp to be the New Billion Dollar Crop because of new developments in fiber technology. While hemp was making an agricultural boom, the first proposal for a marijuana prohibition tax act was put forth. Although this tax act was protested by the American Medical Association, the National Oilseed Institute and the birdseed industry, marijuana was made illegal and hemp became heavily taxed (Kane). Along with paying a tax, farmers had to register with their prospective state as a hemp farmer. World War II brought many changes to the United States, some of which would influence the agricultural community. According to Ben Dronkers, director of the Hash, Marihuana & Hemp Museum midway through the war in 1942 there was the Hemp for Victory war campaign. This campaign made Hemp a valuable commodity for the United States military. There were posters as well as video propaganda that was put out by the Department of Agriculture. This campaign got farmers growing hemp for the military to be processed and made into cargo nets and rope. After the war when hemp was no longer needed in large volumes, there was a greater supply than demand for the crop. In 1957, the last major hemp harvest took place before the crop became no longer profitable. Years later, the Controlled Substance Act of 1970 declared that all cannabis varieties including hemp would become schedule one controlled substance. In 1997, there were re-education programs discussing the difference between hemp and marijuana in attempts to clear up the misconceptions surrounding the Cannabis strains. Starting in the first decade of the 2000s until the 2014 Farm Bill, farmers and activists in Virginia pushed to legalize the growing, pro18 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 cessing and distribution of Hemp and CBD products. Since the Farm Bill, the growing of hemp has been a legal and rapidly growing business in Virginia, along with several other states across the country. Since 2014 and prior to the criminalization of Hemp, the crop was used as a natural resource to create a variety of commodities. According to Ben Dronkers, Industrial Hemp is one of the oldest cultivated crops on earth. Hemp is known for its fibrous nature which allows some of the strongest weather resistant ropes to be made out of it. Hemp can also be used for making- paper, textiles, clothing, biofuel, animal feed, concrete, rope and much more. In his article The Forgotten History of Hemp Jack Herer, also known as The Hemperor says that ninety percent of all ships sails from at least the fifth century BC until long after the invention of steam engines in the mid to late 19th century were made from hemp (Herer). Herer also said that Logs and Bibles were generally made of hemp fiber paper from the time of Columbus in the 15 century to early 1900s in western Europe and America (Herer). In the recent years, the FDA has approved several drugs made from CBD harvested from legally grown and processed Hemp. The FDA first of these approved drugs was Epidiolex, a medication for epilepsy (Stern). As mentioned in the introduction, the author worked on a hemp farm where hemp is grown for use in medical products. After harvest, the hemp is shucked and the bio-mass sent to a processor in order to extract the CBD oil. The extracted oils and byproducts were then used to make a variety of products such as CBD drops and gummies. This paper has discussed the difference between hemp and marijuana, given an overview of some key historical events involving hemp and covered some of the many uses of the plant. Hopefully, this Hemp: The Misunderstood Crop paper has been informative and helped to clear up some of the common misconcep- tions about hemp. WORK CITED Hemp for Shipping. Hash Marihuana & Hemp Museum, 15 Sept. 2015, hashmuseum.com/en/collection/hemp-shipping. Herer Jack. The Forgotten History of Hemp. Earth Island Journal, vol. 5, no. 4, Fall 1990, p.35.EBSCOhost Kane, Mari. The Movement to Legalize Industrial Hemp. Marijuana, edited by Joseph Tardiff, Greenhaven Press, 2008. Contemporary Issues Companion. Gale In Context: Opposing Viewpoints, Accessed 13 Feb. 2020. Originally published as Growing Pains, E/The Environmental Magazine. Maranon, Rick. Hemp vs. Marijuana: Whats the Difference? KOKI, 16 Jan. 2019, fox23.com/news/hemp-vs-marijuana-what-s-the-difference-/905492020/. Sanchez, Rudy. Marijuana vs. Hemp: Whats the Difference? Chicagotribune.com, Chicago Tribune, 15 Aug. 2019, chicagotribune.com/marijuana/sns-tft-whats-the-difference-marijuana-hemp-20190815-nljrmyx7hvdedhca4vhwqj4a3e-story.html. Sterns, James A. Is the Emerging U.S. Hemp industry Yet Another BoomBust Market for U.S. Farmers? Choices: The Magazine of Food, Farm & Resource Issues, vol. 34, no. 3, Aug-oct2019 3rd Quarter 2019, p. 1. EBSCOhost INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 19 Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? Interracial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? D a n ie lle F a u l T he one word no married couple wants to hear: divorce. While no one wants to think about it, divorce is always a possibility in a marriage. But what exactly makes or breaks a marriage? Is there anyway couples can prepare to avoid divorce? Despite the fact that less conservative weddings are occurring, the majority of newlyweds still marry a spouse that is of the same race. Before the late twentieth century, comparing divorce rates between interracial and traditional marriages was a challenge as interracial marriages were illegal. Over the past fifty years; however, social scientists have been able to study, analyze, and compare divorce rates amongst interracial and traditional marriages. This paper will be reviewing various articles written on the dynamics of interracial marriages, and whether or not these marriages lessen or strengthen the potential of divorce. Does racial intermarriage lead to divorce? Utah University sociology professors Nicent Kang and Nicholas Wolfinger look to establish an answer within their article: Broken Boundaries or Broken Marriages? Racial Intermarriage and Divorce in the United States. They analyze a National Survey of Family Growth taken from 1995 to 2002 and two sociological theories as the foundation for research. The National Survey of Family Growth was used for part of their research because, The National Sur20 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 vey of Family Growth uses a parametric event-history model called a sickle model. (Kang and Wolfinger 2). This sickle model helps to appropriately identify many statistics on the divorce rates of varying interracial couples compared to traditional couples. Kang and Wolfinger first express their research through one specific interracial marriage type, There is elevated divorce rates for Latino/white intermarriages, with seventy-two percent of endogamous Latino marriages remaining intact for more than fifteen years, and only fifty eight percent of Latino/white interracial marriages intact at the same period (Kang and Wolfinger 4). While the statistical evidence of marital success rate between Latino/white intermarriages supported the idea that interracial marriages lead to a higher chance of divorce, Kang and Wolfinger continued to dig deeper. Once looking at statistics for another type of interracial marriage it was concluded that, We find elevated divorce rates for Latino-white intermarriages but not for black/white intermarriages (Kang and Wolfinger 4). Because there is a group of interracial marriages that has shown to not be impacted, it left both Kang and Wolfinger to ponder, Why has one type of interracial marriage been impacted but not another? Based off of findings from the Na- Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? tional Survey of Family Growth, Black men have less conservative attitudes than white men regarding womens employment, whereas Latino men are more conservative than white men when it comes to the gender division of labor (Kang and Wolfinger 6). The differences that are displayed between the black, white, and Latinx races indicated to Kang and Wolfinger that there is faulty courtship when it comes time for the reality of marriage. These varying attitudes amongst races is inevitability affecting the divorce rates amongst interracial marriage; however, it has not been universally concluded whether or not intermarriages indeed produce a higher divorce rate. There is so much universal debate due to the fact that, Earlier studies have several limitations; most importantly studies fail to identify whether intermarried couples have uniquely high divorce rates because they do not account for first-order racial differences in divorce propensities (Kang and Wolfinger 7). By considering the methodological challenges that interracial marriages face, Kang and Wolfinger feel as though they can express the reason to why society thinks that interracial marriages lead to an increased likelihood of divorce. Kang and Wolfinger look into two of sociologys theories of divorce: Lower financial support and interpersonal attraction. These specific theories as explained by Kang and Wolfinger, Allow for a form of better understanding on the many positions that interracial marriages lead to higher potential for divorce (9). By looking into two specific theories, there is a foundation created that then allows for further sociological research to be done. Lower financial support from family and a lack of interpersonal attraction are two of the most mentioned theories used to support societys view that interracial marriages lead to a higher risk of divorce. There is lower financial family support because family members want to Pass on racial and ethnic identities, traditions, and values (Kang and Wolfinger 12). Because there is another race coming into the family, this leaves the family vulnerable to losing traditional values and practices, resulting in a decline of family acceptance and financial support for the married couple. While this theory is accurate for many interracial couples, the distaste that society has towards interracial marriages has decreased tremendously, as the National Survey of Family Growth shows, Only twenty two percent of Americans disaprove of interracial marriages (Kang and Wolfinger 13). Despite low disapproval ratings, interracial marriages still face a lot of problems from their families. Not only does a lack of family acceptance play a role in the stability of an interracial couple but so does a lack of interpersonal attraction. There are so many more homogamous marriages still today than interracial marriages because, Similarity in tastes, values, and world views enchances marital intimacy (Kang and Wolfinger 13). By looking at these two theories it is clear to see the impact that a change in the family of origin, individual characteristics, and social context plays in the overall study of this research question. The research and findings by Kang and Wolfinger really depict the importance that societal norms play on interracial marriages. At the end of their research, it was concluded that, Interracial marraige does not produce uniquely high divorce rates (Kang and Wolfinger 20). Despite the answer that Kang and Wolfinger established, many more are still curious about the effect that interracial marriage has on divorce and are curious as to if it really will last. But Will It Last?: Marital Instability Among Interracial and Same-Race Couples by Jenifer Bratter and Rosalind King looks to unravel the social stigmas that are attached to interracial marriages. SpecificalINSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 21 ly, Bratter and King looked to find an answer to their research question: Is the likelihood of divorce the same for both interracial and same-race marriages? Using research from two surveys: The Literature on Interracial Families and the National Survey of Family Growth from 1994-2002, Bratter and King help throw all statistics onto the table in order to try and finalize an answer. As of the turn of the twentieth century, Nearly six percent of all married couples were interracial compared to fewer than one percent in 1970 (Bratter & King 160). It is through this statistic that shows the changing society America is in; however, this change brought about many family challenges for these interracial couples. In the article, a survey from The Literature on Interracial Families states, Crossing racial lines still violates enduring norms of who should and should not marry whom (Bratter and Rosalind 161). It is explained early throughout the article that while statistics show an increase in intermarriage acceptance, it is nearly impossible to get a true gauge how the entire nation feels on this issue as it is everchanging. It is because of the everchanging statistics on interracial marriages that has so many sociologists curious to discover an answer as to whether or not a difference in race really can predict the success of a marriage. As explained in the article, Historical evidence on the stability of Black/White marriages is mixed (Bratter and Rosalind 163). This notion of mixed when it comes to statistical results is very common. Because all of this data is primarily based off of estimates throughout only a span of fifty years, the authors have expressed the difficulty of getting accurate research that will help support an answer. Despite difficulties of receiving accurate statistics, data from the National Survey of Family Growth suggest that there is a major risk factor with intermarriage, as it states, Marriages initiated 22 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 between 1985 and 1989, showed fifty-five percent of interracial marriages divorced by their tenth year compared to the thirty-five percent of same-race marriages (Bratter and Rosalind 165). While this data expresses that indeed, intermarriages increase the rate of divorce, this statistic being from the 1980s, has Bratter and Rosalind questioning: Is there more updated data or a more efficient way to prove this? Because Bratter and Rosalind could find more updated data while conducting research on the interracial and divorce rate matter, they instead established a more efficient way to determine rates of marital success between both same-race and interracial marriages. Using data from both the National Survey of Family Growth and The Literature on Interracial Families, the authors create multiple data charts. These data charts are more productive and reliable as they correlate to how more recent divorce statistics of interracial marriage and samerace marriages could end up. Through these charts it is clear to see, The types of differences that create the greatest risk of divorce are race, ethnicity, and gender specific (Bratter and Rosalind 169). Through these charts it is clear to see that intermarriages that never cross racial barriers, for example White/Hispanic intermarriages have little to no difference in divorce rate as that of same-race White/White marriage. After conducting a magnitude of research and creating data charts, Bratter and Rosalind determined that marriage and the success of it really comes about the experience of both partners. It is also through their research that the average length of marriage predicted for a marriage whether interracial or not is ten years. Despite the racial conflicts that intermarriages do face, there is a lot of statistical evidence that supports a mixed notion that intermarriages lead to an increase for divorce. While the notion is mixed, We find that although Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? interracial marriages overall are more vulnerable to divorce, this reflects the experience of some but not all couples (Bratter and Rosalind 170). While giving credit to the idea that intermarriages are at a higher risk of divorce, there was still not a 100% certainty through data to support the claim. Because there was no sustainable research on divorce rates between interracial and non-race marriages, Bratter and Rosalind raised the promotion of continued research on the impact that certain interracial marriages play in divorce rates. First gaining momentum in the 1960s, the racial dynamics within marriages continues to grow. Sociologist Kelly Raley and others, use the United States Census Bureaus American Community Survey from 2008-2012 to bring to light the significant difference between intermarital success rates amongst certain races in the article: The Growing Racial and Ethnic Divide in U.S Marriage Patterns. Throughout this article Raley and colleagues look for an answer to: Why is there striking differences in intermarital success between certain races? Raley and others feel that they can establish an explanation to the differences in marital success between races by, Describing racial and ethnic differences in marriage formation and discuss how these gaps have evolved over time (90). Raley and others primarily focus on various dynamics within the black American marital statistics over any other race, as black Americans have had the greatest risk of divorce despite whether or not entering a same-race or interracial marriage. Despite primarily focusing on black marital data, there is also a consideration for, Contemporary family patterns for other racial and ethnic groups (Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans) (Raley et al. 91). The first aspect of contemporary differences between races is the striking differences amongst median age of races amongst first marriage. As stated by Raley and others, The median age at first marriage is roughly four years higher for black women than for white women: thirty versus twenty-six years, respectively, in 2010 (92). While four years may not seem like a huge age gap, it has shown to be statistically significant in the overall success rate of getting married. Consequently, the U.S Census Bureaus American Community Survey from 2008-2012 showed that, Unlike black American females, nine out of ten white and Asian/Pacific Islander women had ever been married by their early twenties, yet fewer than two-thirds of black women reported having been married; same race or not, by the same age (Raley et al. 92). The outlier that black Americans are in terms of marital age has also caused them to be an outlier in marital success. Interracial marriages that involve a black partner based off of the recent demographic projections through the U.S Census Bureaus American Community Survey from 2008-2012 suggests that, These racial and ethnic gaps in marriage and marital dissolution will continue to grow (Raley et al. 93). Unlike the other races mentioned in the article: Asian/ Pacific Islander, Native American, and Hispanic, none of these races have as low of an intermarriage success rate as black Americans. When comparing intermarital success rates amongst these races and black Americans, Raley and others state, By 2012, roughly seventy-three percent of other races were still intermarried by their mid-forties, compared to the fifty-two percent of black American intermarriages (95). So, why is it that statistically and historically speaking, black Americans when entering into intermarriages are at higher risk of divorce? Raley and others express that the lack of intermarital stability of black Americans is due to the higher rates and instability of, incarceration, social class, earnings, wealth, occupational INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 23 Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? and residential segregation (96). Because black Americans face so many challenges throughout society, other races inevitability face these challenges as well once crossing racial barriers in marriage. This article concluded that because of the various social boundaries black Americans face, they will continue to have higher divorce rates regardless of whether or not it is an interracial or same-race marriage. Unlike the first article which stated, We find elevated divorce rates for Latino-white intermarriages but not for black/ white intermarriages (Kang and Wolfinger 4). There has been a change in data as Kang and Wolfinger used data from 1992-2004 and this article brings attention to updated data from 2008-2012. This article also mentions aspects of marriage such as age of races at first marriage, how it affects marital success, and why the outliers (black Americans) face high divorce rates. While black Americans have the highest rate of divorce, other races when compared to white marital success rate are always lower. Because of low margins of intermarital success rate amongst non-white races, it is hard to not question: Is marriage for white people? Looking specifically at the relationship amongst black-white intermarriages, Elizabeth Caucutt and others in their article: Is Marriage for White People? Incarceration and the Racial Marriage Divide, use U.S census data from the 2010 economy to help answer their research question: is marriage for white people? By looking at the past decade, Caucutt and others layout the potential reasons as to why black Americans and white Americans are on such opposite sides of the marital success spectrum. Because these two races are the complete opposite of each other, when they meet in matrimony, Incarceration and employment dynamics between black and white accounts for the seventy-six percent reason for filing for divorce (Caucutt et 24 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 al. 121). Comparing how the dynamics of incarceration and employment play a role in the overall marital stability for black and white Americans, will help answer Caucutt and others research question. By first looking at the factor of incarceration in marital status, it is easier to understand why so many interracial marriages that do occur are white-black. It is also through the dynamic of incarceration that it is clear to see the statistical differences of marital success between same-race and interracial marriages of black and white races. As of 2010, Almost eleven percent of black men between the ages of twenty-five and fifty-four were incarcerated, this is almost five times as high as the incarceration rate for the white men of the same age (Caucutt and others 123). Due to these higher rates of incarceration for black males, black American females are left with a smaller pool of potential same-race husbands. Thus, there is a need to cross racial boundaries in order to marry. Because white Americans face little to no social obstacles, they are the most sought over for the black American race. However, the marital success rates of black-white have shown to be less than that of white-white or black-black. As stated by Caucutt and others, about fifty-one percent of interracial marriages amongst black-white lasted beyond three years and eighty-nine percent of same-race marriages between white-white lasted beyond that (125). It is clear to see that while incarceration pulls black women towards a white spouse, the social gaps between the two races prove to be detrimental to marital stability, thus showing that same-race stability amongst whites is statistically significant. Using the dynamic of incarceration on inter marital stability, Caucutt and others transition to the overall economic environment and how employment plays a role in the overall lack of marital stability between white-black marriages. Males, black Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? or white, fall into one of three market states, non-employed, employed, or in prison (Caucutt and others 126). Females, black or white, only have two market states which are either: non-employed or employed. Females are then responsible for playing the role of mate finding. Because white males have higher rates of employment when compared to their black male counterparts, Once again, black females look for sustainability amongst the white race (Caucutt and others 127). Because of the tradition of social instability that black Americans face, this once again serves to be the overlying problem for intermarital success rate. Caucutt and others stress the importance of, Understanding how the labor market and incarceration are affecting interracial marriages (129). It is through understanding these two social issues and dynamics that leads the potential for better marital stability for future black-white intermarriages. Having touched specifically on what leads to the decrease in marital stability between white-black intermarriages when compared to same-race marital stability, may lead to answers and further research on the dynamics and social issues that affect the stability of other interracial marriages. So, does interracial marriage lead to a higher risk of divorce? Throughout the entirety of research, there were similar and varying findings. Both articles one and two: Broken Boundaries or Broken Marriages? Racial Intermarriage and Divorce in the United States and But Will It Last?: Marital Instability Among Interracial and Same-Race Couples concluded that while there are some statistical findings that support interracial marriages are at higher risk for divorce, there simply was not enough data to gauge an established answer. However, articles three and four: The Growing Racial and Ethnic Divide in U.S Marriage Patterns and Is Marriage for White People? Incarceration, Unemployment and the Racial Marriage Divide, displayed opposite findings as they both concluded that there is indeed a rise in divorce rate for interracial marriages, but specifically between blackwhite interracial marriages. Because the first two articles displayed findings based off of older statistics, the conclusion for whether or not interracial marriages have a larger divorce risk associated with it could not be determined. With the updated statistical findings of the last two articles, because there has not been a long enough time period to gauge if interracial marriages lead to higher risk for divorce, only time will tell for certain if interracial marriages, indeed are an automatic sign of divorce. WORKS CITED Bratter, Jenifer and King, Rosalind. 2008. But Will It Last?: Marital Instability Among Interracial and Same-Race Couples. Family Relations 57(2): 160-171. Caucutt, Elizabeth, et al. 2018. Is Marriage for White People? Incarceration, Unemployment, and the Racial Marriage Divide. CEPR Discussions 1(5): 120-129. Kang, Vincent and Nicholas Wolfinger. 2011. Broken Boundaries or Broken Marriages? Racial INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 25 Interr acial Marriages: An Automatic Sign for Divorce? Intermarriage and Divorce in the United States. Social Science Quarterly 92(4): 2-25. Raley, Kelly et al. The Growing Racial and Ethnic Divide in U.S Marriage Patterns. American Community 25(2): 89-109. 26 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 An E xamination of Ma ss Shootings An Examination of Mass Shootings G ra c ie S h if f le t t INTRODUCTION Mass shootings have become extremely common events that happen in the United States more often than they should. According to a The Washington Post story, Mass shootings took place roughly every six months. Between Columbine and Charleston, the pace was roughly one every two and a half months. After Charleston? One almost every six weeks (Berkowitz 2019: n.p.). The term mass shooting is often thought of as an event where at least four people are murdered, with no cooling-off periods between the murders (Berkowitz 2019: n.p.) Mass shootings can happen anywhere, including at a concert, at a church, at a school, or at a grocery store. Technically there is no universally accepted definition of a mass shooting, which makes it hard to collect accurate data across the years on how many mass shootings occur around the world. Despite the lack of reliable data, the United States is still the leading country for mass shootings, as the number of shootings in this country have gradually increased throughout the years. In fact, in 2019, the total number of reported mass shootings in the United States was the highest it had been since 2006. This has caused people in society to live in fear because no one knows when or if they are going to be the next victim of a mass shooting. The reason for the sudden increase in mass shootings is unknown, but some suggest that the explicit media coverage of mass shootings, the lack of mental health care, and/or or the lack of gun control are the leading causes. Mass shootings are often covered in news articles where the author addresses them as a social problem and tries to figure out when they started and why they are becoming more common. News agencies are looking at mass shootings through an analytical lens to tackle them as a problem, which will be explored throughout this paper. DATA AND METHODS In order to explore this social problem, a content analysis was performed on ten articles taken from The Washington Post from the time of January 2018 to December 2019. The articles were evaluated and their content was categorized into the following categories: grounds, warrants, and conclusions. According to Joel Best, a ground asserts the facts of a problem using statistics, names, and typifying examples. A warrant convinces people to take action and get something done regarding the social problem. Lastly, a conclusion states what action should be taken to address the social problem (2017: p. 32). Using these definitions, two classmates paired up to check for intercoder reliability where they double coded sections of the same two articles as grounds, warrants, or conclusions and compared their work. It was found that there was a lot of disagreement over whether certain sections should INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 27 be considered a warrant or a ground, considering several sections could potentially be argued as both, but an agreement was always reached. In addition, all conclusions that were coded were relatively the same. GROUNDS All of the ten articles analyzed consisted of mostly grounds, where they stated the facts of several mass shootings that happened around the country. When establishing grounds, most authors used statistics, numerical data, to discuss the shootings. In seven out of the 10 articles, the first couple of paragraphs included the author listing out the number of injuries and the number of deaths caused by the specific shooting they were writing about. For example, one article stated, A gunman wielding an assault-style rifle killed 20 people and wounded 26 more Saturday at a busy Walmart and shopping center not far from the Mexican border, authorities said (Rosenwald 2019: n.p.). Two separate articles used statistics in a different way to assert the facts of mass shootings. One article, discussing how the U.S leads the world in mass shootings, used the statistic, [...] The United States had significantly more mass shootings, with 90 between 1966 and 2012, compared with 202 in the rest of the world, to establish this fact (Kessler 2018: n.p.). Another article discussed why mental health was a major cause of mass shootings, so they used a statistic to point how many of the shooters had a mental illness. This article stated, [i]n a 2018 report on 63 active shooter assailants, the FBI found that 25 percent had been diagnosed with a mental illness (Wan 2019: n.p.). In fact, out of the 10 articles analyzed, 23 statistics were used in total to establish grounds. When establishing grounds, the authors also often gave a name to the social problem. They would briefly say that these large killings from gun violence are called 28 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 mass shootings, and some gave a brief description of what usually qualifies as a mass shooting. For example, one article stated, [...] Shootings since 1966 in which at least four people were killed [..] (Berkowitz 2019: n.p.). This article is offering a definition of what is widely considered a mass shooting in the United States, despite there being some argument over what is and what isnt a mass shooting. They were very vague because the term isnt described in the same way around the world; because of this, all ten articles did name the problem, but only three of them gave a description of what a mass shooting is. Lastly, the other main way that grounds were established was by using typifying examples, which are very extreme specific examples that dont usually represent the problem as a whole. In these articles, authors would use graphic stories experienced by mass shooting victims as a typifying example, but these stories were often unique and didnt apply to most victims. For example, one article states, Joseph Griffith, 40, was shot and killed while waiting at a traffic light with his wife and two children (Guarino 2019, n.p.). This is a typifying example because usually mass shootings dont occur like this. They usually happen out at a restaurant or concert, etc., where the victims have a chance of running away, while this one in particular gave the victim no chance of escape or survival. Only two articles in the sample used typifying examples; however, most of the articles listed the victims and described what they experienced first-hand but, given the nature of the problem, these would not be considered typifying examples. WARR ANTS When establishing warrants in the articles about mass shootings, all ten sought to appeal to the readers emotions to convince them to get something done and take action An E xamination of Ma ss Shootings to stop these killings. There were a total of 17 warrants present in the 10 articles. The warrants often were specifically written to make the reader feel saddened or scared so that they would want to fight against mass shootings. When trying to make the reader sad, the authors would talk about the victims that were children or the survivors who had been severely affected. For example, one article said, Thats when he saw a young girl, just 17 months old, who had been struck in the face by a bullet (Lowery 2019: n.p.). Another article said, David Anderson immediately knew he was in the middle of a mass shooting. He had lived through one last year (Zezima 2018: n.p.). These two quotes make the reader feel extreme emotions, due to the fact that the victims are going to be affected for the rest of their lives, experiencing both mental and physical scars. Warrants were also expressed by trying to scare people into fighting for change. For example, most articles talked about how mass shootings were occurring more frequently than ever, taking more and more lives in all places of the world. Others discussed how mass shootings had become so common that people are not even shocked by them anymore. One article specifically said, It is hard to name a type of place where a mass shooting hasnt occurred. Playground? Yes. Nursing home? Yes. Theater. Campground. House party. Yacht. And of course many schools, churches, and military sites (Berkowitz 2019: n.p.). By pointing out the commonness of mass shootings, the authors scare people into thinking I could be next. All of the articles that had warrants in them either tried to promote fear or sadness to inspire change. CONCLUSIONS Out of the ten articles examined, all of them had conclusions presented towards the end of the article. Four of these articles didnt call for a specific action to be taken, but they all said something along the lines that something needs to be done. The remaining six articles had specific actions they wanted people to take. More specifically, some articles called on public officials for gun control or mental health awareness. One article called for gun control by saying, I dont want prayers; I dont want thoughts; I want gun control, and I hope to God nobody else sends me any more prayers (Zezima 2018: n.p.). A separate article called for mental health care when they said, The sad truth is that in America, its easy to get a gun. Its very difficult to get mental health care (Wan 2019: n.p.). Still, another conclusion argued that mass shootings appeared to be a social contagion, a behavioral epidemic, that spikes every time other mass shooting receives a lot of media coverage. Therefore, their conclusion was to ban the extensive media coverage of mass shootings. No matter who wrote the article, they all agreed that some sort of action needed to be taken to prevent the increase of mass shootings (McArdle 2019). CONCLUSION In conclusion, the ten articles that were examined offered a wide variety of grounds, warrants, and conclusions. The common way to write grounds in these articles was to use statistics to address the facts of the mass shootings. They also often named the social problem a mass shooting, but they very rarely used typifying examples to assert grounds. When warrants were found in these articles, they often sought to bring out sadness or fear in the reader to provoke change. Although warrants were not used as often as grounds, they were convincing enough to appeal to the readers emotions and inspire change. When it came to conclusions, all of the articles agreed that something needs to be done to prevent mass INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 29 An E xamination of Ma ss Shootings shootings, and several of them also blamed gun control, media coverage, and mental health for the increase of mass shootings. Overall, the ten articles were very consistent with establishing grounds, warrants, and conclusions; however, it would have been interesting to get a larger sample size, including other news agencies, to really look at how mass shootings are constructed over a variety of news sources. REFERENCES Berkowitz, B., Blanco, A., Mayes, B. R., Auerbach, K., & Rindler, D. (2019, August 5). More and deadlier: Mass shooting trends in America. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ nation/2019/08/05/more-deadlier-mass-shooting-trends-america/?arc404=true Best, J. (2017). Social Problems (3rd ed.). New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Guarino, B., & Straub, L. (2019, September 2). Texass second mass shooting during August kills at least 7. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https:// www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/09/01/texass-second-massshooting-august-kills-least/ Kessler, G. (2018, September 5). Analysis | Does the U.S. lead the world in mass shootings? Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2018/09/05/does-us-lead-world-mass-shootings/ Lowery, W., & Davies, E. (2019, September 1). 5 killed, 21 injured in a mass shooting in Odessa, Tex. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www. washingtonpost.com/politics/5-killed-21-injured-after-suspect-hijacked-a-mail-truck-in-odessa-texas/2019/08/31/f659da2c-cc3c-11e9be05-f76ac4ec618c_story.html McArdle, M. (2019, August 9). Opinion | How to fight mass shootings: First, lets define the problem. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www. washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/08/09/how-fight-mass-shootings-first-lets-define-problem/ Olen, H. (2019, July 29). Opinion | Another day, another mass shooting. When will they end? Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/07/29/another-day-another-massshooting-when-will-they-end/ Rosenwald, M. S., Knowles, H., & Moore, R. (2019, August 4). At least 20 dead in El Paso shopping center shooting as authorities investigate Texas man and manifesto. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www. washingtonpost.com/nation/2019/08/03/active-shooter-cielo-vistamall-area-el-paso-police-say/ Wan, W., & Bever, L. (2019, August 5). Are video games or mental illness causing Americas mass shootings? No, research shows. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ health/2019/08/05/is-mental-illness-causing-americas-mass-shootings-no-research-shows/ Williams, K., Knowles, H., Natanson, H., & Whoeiskey, P. (2019, August 5). 30 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 An E xamination of Ma ss Shootings Gunman killed sister, eight others in second deadly U.S. mass shooting in 24 hours. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ nation/2019/08/04/nine-fatally-shot-dayton-including-suspect-dayafter-mass-shooting-texas/ Zezima, K., & Mettler, K. (2018, November 9). They survived Las Vegas. Then came a second mass shooting. Retrieved April 8, 2020, from https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/a-surreal-shocklas-vegas-shooting-survivors-live-through-california-massacre/2018/11/08/681a330a-e3b3-11e8-b759-3d88a5ce9e19_story.html INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 31 The Importance of Intersectionalit y in Reporting Se xual Har a ssment The Importance of Intersectionality in Reporting Sexual Harassment C la ire M itc h e ll I n the era of the #MeToo Movement, attention has been drawn to the prevalence of sexual harassment and sexual violence against women (and some men) worldwide. This movement has exposed the fallacy that sexual transgressions are rare and only happen to particular people, namely promiscuous women. The movement initiated numerous studies on sexual harassment in a variety of settings, focusing on White women. This causes minorities to be overlooked, and while great amounts of research have gone into the effect of gender on perceiving and reporting sexual harassment, there is extremely limited information on the intersection of race and gender and its effect on perceptions and reports of sexual harassment. Additionally, generic definitions, definitions that fail to include racial discrimination or other aspects not experienced by White women, causes minorities to find it hard to label their experience, as in most cases the harassment is not solely sexual in nature but includes themes of racial discrimination. Researchers are beginning to study the intersectionality of race and gender and how it affects the decision whether to report harassment or not, be it in academic or professional settings. Sexual harassment in the workplace can cause many negative consequences 32 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 for the victim in career path and personal health. In an article featured in the Western Journal of Communication, Richardson et al. reveal that for women of color, the effects of sexual harassment are intensified as it often intersects with racial discrimination. They focus on the intersectionality of race and gender, using intersectionality as an extension of standpoint theory (249). Standpoint theories provide an analytical framework for understanding how individuals or groups view the world (Richardson et al. 450). Richardson et al. cite Black feminism as a secondary theory to use when discussing the harassment of women of color, however, many feminist theories neglect the importance of intersectionality and pit race against gender (250). This creates an incomplete depiction of the effects of sexual harassment of women of color, and thus intersectionality is the most inclusive theory to utilize. To depict the intersection of race and gender and their effects on sexual harassment, Richardson et al. took a sample of 48 women, 22 identifying as Hispanic, and 26 identifying as African American. Participants were recruited using flyers and snowball sampling, with the requirements of identifying as Hispanic or African American and having a minimum of one year of work experience. The participants were divided into six focus groups where they remained for an hour discussing their experiences. The sessions were recorded and transcribed for analysis. The transcriptions were analyzed using grounded theory, which focuses on building rather than testing theory and [...] draws its conclusions from the data (Richardson et al. 253). The analysis drew from the transcriptions reviewed by communication studies members at a university as well as members of the focus groups (Richardson et al. 253; 254). Following review and revision, the analysis underwent axial coding to find relationships within and between categories (Richardson et al. 254). The results suggest that women of color experience sexual harassment in four stages, with each stage being affected by two contextual dimensions (Richardson et al. 254), the first dimension being social constructions of race and gender, and the second being the role of the organization in which harassment occurred. In Stage One, the individual experiences the perception of sexual harassment. Many participants report that their experience of sexual harassment was combined with racial discrimination (Richardson et al. 254), which intensifies the effects of the event. Stage Two focuses on making sense of the act, which then leads the victim to a decision about how to respond. Stage Three includes the response itself, which Richardson et al. finds to be resistance through voice or silence (255). The fourth and final stage is the perception of the organizations response (i.e. punishment or lack thereof for the harasser), which directly affects the likelihood of future harassing behaviors being reported. In discussions with the respondents, respondents reveal that they were greatly aware of the intersection of race and gender and its effects on their image. One respon- dent noted, ...if you are African American or Hispanic they dont think you are as smart as the white woman (256). This false perception creates the illusion of women of color being an easy target for harassment. The women also reveal that the race of the harasser has an influence on the experience. One respondent explained, As an African American, for whatever reason, Black men feel like there is a window of okayness (260). Additionally, it is found that in cases of intra-racial sexual harassment, the victim is less likely to report the event due to the feeling of needing to uphold an alliance of race, with one African American victim stating If he was Black I would not have reported it (263). In addition to the harassers race, racial stereotypes prevented women from reporting harassment. Many minority women face stereotypes of being hot headed, explosive, and overdramatic. One respondent admitted that she would rather quit her job than fulfill the stereotype of the angry Black woman (266). The overarching theme of the study is that women of color have far more obstacles to face when reporting sexual harassment in their workplace. Quitting their job is often perceived as far easier than reporting harassment and fulfilling stereotypes or staying and continuing to face harassment. The study shows that the intersection of race and gender put women of color at a disadvantage that must be considered when comparing the sexual harassment of Caucasian women and women of color. Rates of sexual harassment of women of color are most likely far greater than statistics show because of the high rate of leaving harassment unreported. A study conducted by Fielden et al., stated organizations should not assume a direct relationship between reporting rates with incident rates (Fielden et al. 31). This study sought to find the frequency of sexual harassment in Black Asian INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 33 The Importance of Intersectionalit y in Reporting Se xual Har a ssment and Minority Ethnic (BAME) women in the United Kingdom. Statistics from the United States state that 50% of women have experienced some form of sexual harassment during their working lives (20). However, this statistic does not specifically consider the rates of sexual harassment experienced by minority women. Most prior studies focus on White womens experiences of sexual harassment, providing very limited statistical information regarding the experience of minorities. Fielden et al. uses snowball sampling to collect participants for the study because sexual harassment is an extremely sensitive topic. Although it is the best method for this topic, it can produce bias among respondents. Additionally, fear is certainly a factor in limiting the sample size because women may face dishonor or backlash in their ethnic communities for speaking out. This sampling method retains seventeen BAME women, two of whom had witnessed sexual harassment, with the rest directly experiencing it. Semi-structured interviews are conducted with the women, and transcriptions of said interviews are then coded to find common themes. The results show numerous overlaps between themes, with interplay between ethnicity and culture (Fielden et al. 26) being noted. The transcript analysis produced three different categories by which the data can be sorted: the frequency, types, and race of the harasser; ethnic and cultural influences; and power, fear of reprisals, and reporting behavior. More than half of the women report facing harassment daily, and most are harassed by men of the same ethnic background. Most of the women feel that if they were White, they would not be targeted. One respondent posited, I dont think he would do it if I was white. He thinks he can get away with it with me (27). Another states, I think he wouldve thought twice 34 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 about touching a White girl to be honest (27). The statistic of most harassments being committed by a person of the same race as the victim can be an important factor in deciding to report harassment, but the race of the victim also plays a major role in deciding to report the incident. Many participants feel that they would have been more inclined to report [...] if they had been White (Fielden et al. 29). Many of the Asian participants cite their culture as a reason not to report it, as it can cause major backlash in their community. Additionally, reports are not always kept confidential. Many women report being publicly humiliated and feeling as though they are being punished rather than the harasser. One respondent reported that she was pretty depressed (29) following her experience, while another stated that she was on medication (29). Many others quit their jobs or stayed and watched their harasser get promoted following reports, which discouraged reporting future harassing behaviors. Fielden et al. note that this information is not generalizable, as the sample size of this study is very small. Additionally, harassment is a very individualist experience (Fielding et al. 30) because its impact differs from person to person. This individualistic aspect creates a toxicity surrounding the generic approaches to sexual harassment, because generic approaches do not consider racial and gender discriminations intertwined with the harassment. The relationship of race and culture play a major role in how it is perceived and handled, and generic approaches simply cannot encompass all the aspects and effects of the experience. The study concluded that the lines between racial and sexual harassment are blurred for women of color, thus making it impossible for their experiences to be labeled as one or the other. This shows the intersectionality of race and gender, as the two are so closely intertwined in these cases The Importance of Intersectionalit y in Reporting Se xual Har a ssment that they cannot be separated. Another issue with the labeling of experiences arises in a study conducted by Welsh et al., whose research introduced citizenship status as another potential factor. The problem studied in this research is women will not label their experience as sexual harassment, because of complications arising from the effect of race and citizenship upon womens definitions of sexual harassment (Fielden et al. 88). Most research conducted on the topic of sexual harassment is conducted on White women, causing women of color to struggle to label theirs in the same way White women do. The intersectionality of race and citizenship [is] never absent (89) in cases of sexual harassment, thus producing the terms gendered racism (89) and racialized sexual harassment (89) to better present these experiences. As stated in the preceding studies conducted by Richardson et al. and Fielden et al., women of color experience racial discrimination and sexual harassment simultaneously. Welsh et al. finds that undocumented immigrants are even greater targets for harassments because of the intersection of their race, gender, and undocumented status. Using snowball sampling and receiving help from community organizations in Toronto and Ontario, thirty-five women volunteered to partake in this study. The sample consisted of thirteen Caucasians, five African Canadians, seven Filipinas, one Asian, and two women who declined to state their race/ethnicity. The Filipinas do not have full Canadian citizenship, but the rest of the women have full citizenship. The women are split up into seven focus groups, in which the women discuss their experiences and thoughts regarding the definition of sexual harassment. This method is highly beneficial, as Welsh et al. state: By letting women define harassment, we can discover where other forms of oppression, such as racism, homophobia, lack of citizenship, disability, and classism, intersect with sexual harassment (95). The results of these discussions show that White women are more likely to label harassments as unwelcome behaviors, with some harassing behaviors even being considered tolerable. (95) Welsh at el. theorizes that this tolerance is due to their White privilege and citizenship status, as they have more opportunities to file complaints [...] over racialized and noncitizen groups (96). The minority groups refuse to define their experiences as sexual harassment because it is not solely sexual in nature or they felt as though they could not define it as such due to their status. Additionally, the minority groups are reluctant to report intra-racial harassment because they want to uphold a united racial front (98), and they feel discouraged as the legal categories of harassment state that it can be either sexual or racial, not both. Many minority women who did not have full citizenship are in the country on an employment authorization visa working as live-in caregivers, and they cite job dependency as a reason for not reporting harassing behaviors. Additionally, they fear their chances of gaining permanent residency will be harmed if they report the behavior. These findings lead to the conclusion that race and citizenship are the most prominent themes that feed into the womens definitions of sexual harassment. The minority groups linked historical issues or labeled their experiences as ambiguous, but White women defined harassment according to the legal definition, making it easier for them to report harassment. Overall, Welsh et al. conclude that deciding to report sexual harassment is not solely about race or gender but is an intersection of race, gender and citizenship. This intersectionality ties into the reporting of sexual harassment on college campuses as well. A study INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 35 The Importance of Intersectionalit y in Reporting Se xual Har a ssment conducted by Kalof et al. reveals that even in academic settings, minority women are not as likely to report or label their experience as sexual harassment, as it is not simply sexual in nature. In society, minorities are particularly vulnerable due to their minority status and lack of power (284). This vulnerability is not helped by stereotyped cultural images of minorities, with stereotypes of Hispanic women being hot-blooded [and] ill-tempered, Asian women as small [and] submissive, and Black women being highly sexed (284). Black women are especially at risk, as stereotypes of promiscuity severely objectifying them. Additionally, they possess a history of oppression and norms that prohibit them from reporting sexual harassment by men (284). Thus, Kalof et al. theorize that the intersection of race and gender plays the greatest role in whether harassing behaviors are reported. Kalof et al. selected a random sample from all daytime classes, having undergraduate students hand out surveys within classes. From these surveys, a convenience sample was selected, resulting in 525 voluntary participants, both male and female. Thirteen neglect to state their race and are dismissed as a result, resulting in a sample size of 512. Of the 512 total participants, 335 are white, and 177 are nonwhite. The small minority sample sizes cause difficulty in gaining statistical significance (296). The results show that 40% of women in the study report being sexually harassed, and 30% of the African American participants report experiencing sexual harassment. One prominent issue in reporting sexual harassment is the socialization of women of all races. Kalof et al. argue: Women are socialized to trust authority, constraining their ability (or willingness) to recognize professors behaviors as harassing (297). This reveals gender as a very important part of how women 36 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 perceive harassing behaviors, and when it intersects with race it becomes even more complicated. White women do not face racial discrimination combined with sexual harassment, and therefore find it far easier to report. However, Black women find racially based comments and references to racial stereotypes (297) to be sexually harassing in addition to racially harassing. The lack of recognition for this intertwinement of harassments creates a great obstacle for minorities when it comes to reporting these incidents. Additionally, minorities fear the loss of educational rewards, especially if the harassing behavior comes from a professor. The results of this study conclude that the intersection of race and gender is the greatest aspect that comes into play when a student decides whether to report an incident of harassment or not. The greatest common denominator in each study is that the intersection of race and gender has the greatest effect on whether an incident of harassment is reported. White women are more likely to report harassing behaviors because their experiences adhere to the legal definition closely because they are not facing racial harassment or discrimination along with sexual harassment. The findings of all studies condemn the current legal definitions in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom for being too generic to be inclusive of minority experiences. While sexual harassment is an extremely individual experience and cannot have any one perfect definition, strides can be made to be more inclusive in the definition of sexual harassment for people of all ethnicities. With a more inclusive definition, more minorities may feel comfortable in sharing their experiences, helping to resolve the issue of small sample sizes, and thus increasing the amount of research on the topic of the intersection of race and gender in reporting harassment. An increase in the number of The Importance of Intersectionalit y in Reporting Se xual Har a ssment studies could produce generalizable information, a resource that is currently nonexistent. All in all, intersectionality is abso- lutely vital in understanding why a person chooses whether to report an incidence of sexual harassment in WORKS CITED Fielden, Sandra et al. 2010. A Model of Racialized Sexual Harassment of Women in the UK Workplace. Sex Roles 62(1-2): 20-34. Kalof, Linda, et al. 2001. The Influence of Race and Gender on Student Self-Reports of Sexual Harassment by College Professors. Gender and Society 15(2): 282-302. Richardson, Brian K. and Juandalynn Taylor. 2009. Sexual Harassment at the Intersection of Race and Gender: A Theoretical Model of the Sexual Harassment Experiences of Women of Color. Western Journal of Communication 73(3): 248-272. Welsh, Sandy et al. 2006. Im Not Thinking of It as Sexual Harassment: Understanding Harassment Across Race and Citizenship. Gender and Society 20(1): 87107. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 37 Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled Jan e M o nag han I n recent years, many people have come forward to share their experiences with stigma. For some groups, stigma is not a large defining factor in their daily life, but for others, stigma plays an important part in shaping their identity. One group that experiences heightened levels of stigma is the intellectually disabled; often marginalized, the stigma they receive can change the way they look at themselves. The four studies in this paper examine the effects of the stigma faced by individuals with intellectual disabilities, and the paper will use these studies to try and reach a conclusion about the relationship between stigma and personal identity. Developing an identity while also trying to gain independence is examined by Jahoda et al., who studied two individuals with intellectual disabilities and their struggles to develop the identity they want. Jahoda et al., conducted interviews and took photographs and videos of individuals with intellectual disabilities as they try to establish their identities. The authors use theories of social construction and self-perception to discuss the findings (521). The literature review of several other studies shows the stigma that people with intellectual disabilities face, and their responses. The discrimination against people with intellectual disabilities was often recognized by people with such disabilities. Accounts of discrimination ranged from childhood bullying to abuse or infantiliza38 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 tion in adulthood (Jahoda et al., 522). In many cases, the intellectually disabled expressed wishes to make their own choices about their life and reject negative stereotypes and stigma (Jahoda et al., 522). Distinguishing oneself from other disabled persons and showing support for the disabled community are also discussed, as are methods of dealing with stigma. Such methods range from comparisons to people without disabilities to promoting a positive collective identity (Jahoda et al., 523). The authors used methods similar to those used by Langness and Frank to create case studies of an individuals life (524). Using a qualitative method of open interviews and recorded material over the span of 6 to 18 months, Jahoda et al., highlight the results from two participants, given pseudonyms of Gary and Sharon, who were chosen because of their contrasting experiences in dealing with stigma (525). They were interviewed over the course of six to eighteen months by themselves or with family or support service workers, and were given a disposable camera, as well as a video-camera, to document their life. Gary once lived alone but had since moved in with his father at the time of the interview. Gary was a graduate from a school for people with intellectual disabilities; his life seemed promising, but bullying at his workplace and lack of help from support services resulted in his losing his job and flat, and he turned to alcohol and Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled suicidal behaviors (Jahoda et al., 526). Gary describes his isolation and boredom: I dont know what Im going to do today, Im sick of this, he says on his video diary (Jahoda et al., 527). Gary is also trying to re-invent himself and his identity to become part of mainstream society, his nurse tells the researchers (Jahoda et al., 527). His experiences with stigma have led him to try to change himself to conform to societys standards. Sharons experiences with her limitations have also led her to negotiate an identity that fits within these limitations. An eighteen-year-old girl living with her mother, Sharon goes to school and once had a job caring for older people, but she describes her inability to perform the tasks that normal adults can. Depression, anxiety, and epilepsy have severely limited what she can do and decide; her mother also limits her freedom and Sharon knows she would not be allowed to cook or go to college alone (Jahoda et al., 529). Sharon tries to make sense of herself within these limitations: Feel stupid you cannot do nothing... Okay, I can use the microwave, I can make toast. But failing that I cannot go any further. (Jahoda et al., 530). Both cases show the attempts of the subjects to create an identity, while also grappling with their limitations. Each subject has experienced stigma, and each has tried to develop a sense of self. Comparing themselves to the rest of society, Gary and Sharon try to reject stereotypes and build an identity that is closer to larger society. Social comparison and stigma are also explored in the second study, examining the relationship between the two and self-esteem. Stigma, Social Comparison and Self-Esteem in Adults with an Intellectual Disability uses a questionnaire to measure levels of self-esteem, stigma, and social comparison in 43 adults with intellectual disabilities (Paterson et al., 166). The questionnaire uses three scales to gauge stigma, social comparison and self-esteem, with participants asked to select the option that seemed the truest to them. In the comparison scale, they were asked to finish incomplete sentences with answers concerning their similarly disabled peers and people in the larger community (Paterson et al., 169). Statistical analysis was then done to measure the results. The researchers found a positive correlation between stigma and low self-esteem; the higher the perceived stigma, the lower the self-esteem. Individuals with already low self-esteem recalled experiences with stigma, but there was no relationship between individuals with higher self-esteem and lower perception of stigma (Paterson et al., 172). In contrast, there was no relationship between social comparisons to other disabled people and perceptions of stigma, but there was one between comparisons to the community and stigma, especially in the categories dubbed social attractiveness and achievement and rank (Paterson et al., 171). Negative social comparisons and low self-esteem were positively correlated; in addition, people who identified more with other disabled people regarded themselves more able than others of the same group (Paterson et al., 173). However, no correlations between a feeling of belonging to a particular group and self-esteem were found, suggesting that perhaps people with an intellectual disability do not need to express an affinity with or sense of belonging to the community to feel good about themselves (Paterson et al., 173). The perception of stigma and responses to such stigma are also featured in Jahoda and Markovas study of the intellectually disabled as they moved from hospital to assisted housing. Coping with Social Stigma: People with Intellectual Disabilities Moving from Institutions and Family Home is a study INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 39 Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled based on the interviews of 28 people with mild intellectual disabilities, who come from two different environments: a hospital and a set of hostel-type apartments (Jahoda and Markova, 721). Interviews were carried out with all participants, focused on the topics of their experience, or perception of, stigma, and their responses to said stigma (Jahoda and Markova, 721). The researchers then analyzed the interviews, to find common themes in the way individuals described and responded to stigmatizing experiences (Jahoda and Markova, 722). The analysis of experiences with stigma revealed several common themes. In the hospital group, participants felt restricted by the staff, and resented the lack of privacy and freedom (Jahoda and Markova, 723). They also recognized the stigma associated with being from the hospital, and how that made it hard for patients to make connections (Jahoda and Markova, 723). The housing group shared many of same concerns, indicating the same wishes to be called adults instead of children and worrying that their disabilities prevented them from working jobs like normal people. (Jahoda and Markova, 724). The expressed views also influenced their self-image and the changes they believed were necessary to prevent the stigma. The hospital group linked their identities to the institution they lived in, but instead of accepting the label of patient, they rejected it. The participants wished to stop being classed as patients, since they consider themselves as ordinary (Jahoda and Markova, 722). Furthermore, upon leaving the hospital, the participants distanced themselves from their past, stating that if you start telling people, theyll start telling everybody else and all of them will start making a fool of you. (Jahoda and Markova, 725). Many also argued they should have not been there in the first place, placing themselves above other patients by 40 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 calling themselves residents or grown men. (Jahoda and Markova, 725). Residents from both groups pointed to their agency as an important part of determining their self-image. The housing group, although in a freer environment, still had to deal with the restrictions of their parents and significant others. The group would point to examples of self-sufficiency and often expressed frustration that their parents still treated them as children (Jahoda and Markova, 726). They also considered going to the day centers an affront to their capabilities and identities, and many said they were not disabled and did not need to attend them (Jahoda and Markova, 727). The two groups expressed similar views about their living situations. Both recognized and wished to escape the stigma associated with living there and viewed themselves as mostly normal. However, while they rejected the labels, the groups did not deny their disabilities, and some showed empathy for other disabled persons (Jahoda and Markova, 728). Another study that compares two groups, albeit two groups of high schoolage children, is the study by Cooney et al., which deals once again with social comparison and perceived stigma. Young People with Intellectual Disabilities Attending Mainstream and Segregated Schooling: Perceived Stigma, Social Comparison and Future Aspirations is a study that examines children, aged 15 to 17, with mild intellectual disabilities in two different school settings, measuring the differences in three categories (Cooney et al., 432). The groups were selected by the schools teachers, with 28 children from the mainstream school and 32 in segregated schooling, 60 in all (Cooney et al., 432). The study used a set of scales to measure responses. To measure social comparison, the groups were presented with descriptions of two individuals, Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled one more severely disabled, and one without a disability (Cooney et al., 435). They were then asked to complete incomplete sentences. Stigma was measured with a yes/ no questionnaire (Cooney et al., 435). To compare future aspirations, the children were asked to answer a series of questions about their wishes for the future, then rate the perceived difficulty of achieving each wish (Cooney et al., 436). Between the two groups, the mainstream school children reported more instances of stigmatized treatment, including exclusion by their non-disabled classmates (Cooney et al., 438). There were not many examples of suffering stigma reported by the segregated school group, but both groups experienced stigmatized treatment outside of school, such as name-calling (Cooney et al., 438). Both groups compared themselves favorably to both the more severely disabled and non-disabled examples; there was no difference between the two (Cooney et al., 439). Most of the participants aspired to blue-collar-type jobs; only eight children out of 28 from the mainstream school group chose professional-level jobs (Cooney et al., 439). The two groups showed little difference between the perceived difficulties of achieving their goals, although both acknowledged their intellectual limitations (Cooney et al., 440). Perceived stigma did not play a role in the groups future aspirations, and all the children maintained optimistic attitudes (Cooney et al., 440). These studies contribute to establishing that intellectually disabled people are aware of the stigma they face; in some cases, this stigma affects their self-esteem, as is the case with Paterson et al.s study of self-esteem, comparison, and stigma (172). However, stigma does not affect social comparisons as strongly as self-esteem; Cooney et al. reports no relationship between stigma and comparisons (439). Using the studies of Jahoda et al. and Jahoda and Markova, the responses of the intellectually disabled to stigma can be seen. Garys interviews show his wish to become a member of mainstream society and reject his disabled label, similar to the people moving out of the hospital in Jahoda and Markovas study (Jahoda et al., 527). These four studies reveal the variety of ways in which stigma impacts the lives, self-images, and aspirations of the intellectually disabled. As evidenced in all four studies, society must change before the intellectually disabled can freely express themselves without experiencing stigma; many of the studies suggest acceptance is crucial and that developing a sense of individualism and agency can protect against the effects of stigma. WORKS CITED Cooney, G., et al. Young People with Intellectual Disabilities Attending Mainstream and Segregated Schooling: Perceived Stigma, Social Comparison and Future Aspirations. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, vol. 50, no. 6, June 2006, pp. 432444. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1 111/j.1365-2788.2006.00789. Jahoda, A., and I. Markova. Coping with Social Stigma: People with Intellectual Disabilities Moving from Institutions and Family Home. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, vol. 48, no. 8, Nov. 2004, pp. 719729. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/j.1365-2788.2003.00561. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 41 Effects of Stigma on the Intellectually Disabled Jahoda, Andrew, et al. Living with Stigma and the Self-Perceptions of People with Mild Intellectual Disabilities. Journal of Social Issues, vol. 66, no. 3, Sept. 2010, pp. 521534. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111 /j.1540-4560.2010.01660. Paterson, Lucy, et al. Stigma, Social Comparison and Self-Esteem in Adults with an Intellectual Disability. Journal of Applied Research in Intellectual Disabilities, vol. 25, no. 2, Mar. 2012, pp. 166176. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/j.1468-3148.2011.00651. 42 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review Biases in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Literature Review H e id i Z m ic k B iases are found in almost everywhere in society. This literature review investigates whether bias, especially related to gender, is present in student evaluations of professors. The studies reviewed were published over a span of about 20 years (19972019), leading to one of the studies being less applicable due to age. There is also some range within topics addressed in these articles. One addresses attractiveness bias more than it does gender bias, and another addresses gender bias within the realm of economics courses. But despite a range in topics, all of the articles discussed address biases in student evaluations. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? is a study that was performed by Todd Riniolo, Katherine Johnson, Tracy Sherman, and Julie Misso. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether college professors perceived as physically attractive received higher student evaluations compared with colleagues that were perceived as nonattractive (Riniolo et al.19). To investigate this, the researchers performed an article review surveying previous research relating to their topic, after which the researchers gathered data in a naturalistic style study. The researchers then reviewed and analyzed the data they collected, which ultimately supported their prediction of what the result would be. At the beginning of the article, before introducing their own research, Riniolo et al. reviewed several articles relating to qualities that professors possess that influence student evaluation. The first few articles reviewed demonstrate that in various situations people perceived as more attractive received better outcomes than their less-attractive peers. The authors went on to discuss four studies that they identified as having comparable research questions to their own. Three of the four studies found that perceived attractiveness of professors does affect the ratings they are given when students evaluate them. A limitation that is consistent across the studies is the small samples sizes utilized. This limitation makes the information gleaned from these studies less generalizable. After finishing their literature review, Riniolo et al. present their studys purpose and methodology. The studys purpose is twofold; first, to investigate the researchers hypothesis: that professors perceived as physically attractive would receive higher evaluations compared with colleagues perceived as nonattractive (Riniolo et al. 23), and second, to add to the limited literature (Riniolo et al. 23) on the topics of perceived attractiveness and student evaluation. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? was INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 43 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review a naturalistic study, which means that the researchers used only observation to obtain information from study participants and that the study participants were not aware of their participation in the study. The naturalistic data in this study came from a website called www.ratemyprofessors.com. This website is a place where students can anonymously write reviews of their professors that other people on the site will be able to see. An optional feature of this website, that is not calculated into the overall rating of the professor being reviewed, is the hotness rating. This hotness rating is what interested the researchers who wrote. This hotness rating feature allowed Riniolo et al. to create both experimental and control groups, the experimental group being professors rated high on an attractiveness scale, and control group being professors rated lower on an attractiveness scale. To create these groups, the researchers divided the professors into two groups, attractive and non-attractive; they then matched experimental professors to their control counterparts. For example, they made sure there were the same ratios of men to women in both control and experimental groups. After forming the control and experimental groups based on attractiveness, researchers turned to student ratings of the professors teaching. This revealed that professors perceived as physically attractive received higher ratings on average than their less attractive peers. To further investigate the significance of the difference between ratings of attractive and non-attractive professors, researchers converted the results into points on a five point Likert scale not unlike the ones used by www.ratemyprofessors.com. What they found is that the difference between attractive and non-attractive professors translated to a 0.8 of a point difference on the five-point Likert scale. Another significant finding of this study is 44 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 related to the range of ratings that attractive versus non-attractive professors received. The study found that non-attractive professors received the full range of ratings, from very high to very low, whereas professors received as attractive rarely dropped below and three out of five (Riniolo et al. 31) Near the end of the article, Riniolo et al. discussed how gender related to perceived attractiveness and ratings. The researchers said that they did not find any evidence of gender differences because both male and female professors perceived as attractive received relatively equivalent ratings (Riniolo et al. 31) It does not appear, however, that the researchers examined the unattractive males versus females, or males versus females averaged. In addition to this seeming lack of thought put into gender differences, the other shortcomings of the study have to do with the website www.ratemtprofessors.com itself. The website keeps all contributors anonymous and allows for one person to submit multiple ratings of the same person, which could skew statistics. Riniolo et al. end their article by saying that their results should not be viewed in any way as intended to establish a causal link (Riniolo et al. 33), and that the purpose of their study was to add to limited literature on the subject of attractiveness and student evaluations. They then add that future studies should been done to test the findings of this article and to text new hypothesis on the subject. In contrast to the first article, Whats in a Name: Exposing Gender Bias in Student Ratings of Teaching by Lillian MacNell, Adam Driscoll, and Andrea Hunt is an article that examines how perceived gender of professors effects student evaluations of professors, and concludes that gender bias is present in student evaluations. The article opens by giving itself context, explaining that student ratings of professors can greatly influence job pros- pects, and that if student ratings are biased against women, this could have real-world effects on their careers. The researchers then explain why some previous studies did not perceive bias in student evaluations. This is because many previous studies used face-to-face classrooms for research, where it is difficult to differentiate between what student reactions are based on the professors gender, and which ones are based of teaching style. Therefore, to remove some of the variables making it difficult to isolate gender in the face-to-face classroom, an online class was used by this study, because it was easy to falsify the instructors gender for research purposes. To give the background information important to understanding their research, Macnell et al. present the sociological definition of gender and explain the automatic credibility that Western culture affords men. According to Macnell et al. gender is a socially constructed category built around cultural expectations of male and female appropriate behavior (293). To examine gender bias in student rating, the idea of automatic credibility of men in Western cultures must be understood. This is an assumed level credibility or competence that we give to men and not women. The literature that Macnell et al. review relates to this idea of male automatic credibility. One study gave students two identical articles to evaluate, one with a mans name and one with a womans name; the students rated the articles with masculine names on the them higher than the ones with feminine names regardless of the fact that the articles were identical. From their literature review Macnell et al. concluded that Overall, women in academia tend to be regarded as less capable and less accomplished than men, regardless of their actual achievements and abilities (294). The researchers have concerns that a man with identical credentials to a woman could be viewed as more qualified than her, and note that this could negatively affect womens careers. Next, Macnell et al. address the gender role expectations that students have for their professors. Students expect male professors to exhibit male behaviors or effectiveness traits and female professors to exhibit female behaviors or interpersonal traits. However, women have an extreme burden because they not only must perform feminine behaviors to fulfill students expectations, they must perform masculine effectiveness traits to advance their careers, which require them to be objective and professional. Men are not held to these double standards, so when students rate men they rate them solely on masculine characteristics (and if they possess interpersonal skills, they get an above average review). Women on the other hand are rated according to gender expectations and careers expectations, which may mean that female instructors...receive lower ratings than males, not because of differences in teaching but for failing to meet gendered expectations, (Macnell et al. 294) making it much harder for women to get an above average review. To investigate student evaluations and gender, the researchers set up an experiment that took place during a summer 5-week class. For the entirety of the class, students discussed subject matter in online discussion boards, each of which had a moderator. Two of the groups were moderated by the professor teaching the class, and four other groups were moderated by two teaching assistant, one female one male. For one of each of the assistants groups they used their own identity, and for the other they used the identity of the other teaching assistant (switching what gender they were perceived to be). At the end of the five weeks the assistants were evaluated by the students with whom they interacted. Macnell INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 45 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review et al. expected that students would rate the instructors they believed to be male more highly that ones they believed to be female, regardless of the instructors actual gender, (295) the results supported this idea. The results of this study reveal that the researchers expectation was partly true. The results of the surveys indicate that there is a significant difference in how students rated the perceived male and female instructors, but not the actual male and female instructors, (Macnell et al. 298) meaning that when students perceived their instructor to be male, they rated the instructor higher than if then perceived the instructor to be female. For example, when the professor was perceived to be male, when the instructor posted grades after two days, students rated the instructor to be 4.35 out of 5 promptness, but when a perceived female instructor graded items in the same amount of time, the instructor only received 3.55 out of 5. These findings support the theory that male professors are given automatic credibility in the classroom. After stating their findings, Macnell et al. argue that the bias revealed in this experiment is also present in face-to-face classrooms, but it has not been detected in previous studies because it difficult to separate from teaching practices. Macnell et al. also recognize the limitations of this study saying that a single case study cannot establish a broad pattern, (301) and that in this research they have only scratched the surface of possible discoveries regarding gender bias in the classroom. After addressing the limitations of their study, Macnell et al. urge that gender bias in the system of student evaluations be addressed, because it is unfairly negatively effecting women. Gender Matters Most: The Interaction of Gendered Expectations, Feminist Course Content, and Pregnancy in Student Course Evaluations an article that was published in 1997 by Phyllis Baker 46 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 and Martha Copp, strongly agrees with the article by Macnell et al., both articles explaining the double standards that are put on women to be both professors and fulfill gender roles. These contradictory expectations may make it difficult for women to receive above average student evaluations. Baker and Copp explored this idea in their article by analyzing the complexities of students gendered expectations by considering what happens when a woman...teaches a course with controversial (feminist) content and then becomes pregnant (29). They theorized that when students gender expectations were met, the professor would receive higher ratings. This research has limited generalization because of its age. Comments found in the article that reveal how old is it include the multiple occasions that Baker and Copp discuss feminism being unpopular and students denying the existence of gender inequality. For example, Baker and Copp explain that teaching feminist content could illicit negative sanctions by students. In their investigation of how feminist course content, gender, and pregnancy effect course ratings, Baker and Copp turned to the University of Northern Iowa. They collected data over the course of the three semesters: Spring, Summer, and Fall 1992. These were all introductory courses taught by the professor the researchers were using to study (Dr. Baker). During this time Dr. Baker got pregnant and had a baby. It is important to note that during the Fall and Spring semesters Dr. Baker was teaching large lecture-style classes with little personal interaction, whereas in the summer, she taught a small discussion-based class. To gather information, the researchers used a student evaluation already in use by the school, that was composed of 10 questions on a Likert scale and qualitative questions that were open ended. The qualitative questions were evaluated by Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review the researchers, who read them and sorted them into two groupings, negative and positive. They excluded any answers that they felt were too vague to be sorted. After grouping their data, the researchers found that during the Spring semester (before Dr. Baker was visibly pregnant) she got 40% positive feedback from students, and the positive feedback was rather enthusiastic. She had 21% negative feedback, but it was not extremely negative. During the Summer, when she had a small, intimate class and was visibly pregnant, she got 90% positive feedback that was very enthusiastic, and very little negative feedback. During the following Fall semester, and her third trimester of pregnancy, she received only 33% positive feedback and 44% negative. In addition, she got hateful negative comments and the positive ones lacked enthusiasm (according to Baker and Copp). The researchers say that this is because she was unable to preform female gender expectations as well in the lecture environment, but also because she was visibly pregnant and the students had negative assumptions about how pregnancy affects mood. At the end of the article, Baker and Copp encourage students to open their minds to new ideas about gender and female professors. They also suggest that committees reviewing professors feedback take into account that students are biased and that the evaluations they give are not perfect measurements of teacher effectiveness. They finish by calling for further research of the subject of gender bias in student evaluation. Gender Bias and Temporal Effects in Standard Evaluations of Teaching by Whitney Buser, Jill Hayter, and Emily Marshall is a survey type study, conducted in 2019, that investigated the Standard Evaluations of Teaching (SET) survey which is used at many universities to evaluate professors effectiveness. Research cited in the articles literature review shows that the SET has flaws, including showing that on average, female instructors receive significantly lower evaluations that male instructors (Buser et al. 261). The literature review continued in the same vein, mentioning a study that concluded that on average, male students gave male professors higher ratings than female professors, and that male students gave their male professors higher ratings then female students gave either their male or female professors (Buser et al. 261). The implications of gender-related flaws with SET, as concluded by Buser et al., are extensive regarding hiring, tenure, and promotion. This is because SET is often used as a tool to determine instructor effectiveness when professors are being considered for a promotion or other job advancement. Buser et al. seek to research the existence of gender differences in SET, and if present, how these differences are affected by time as well as instructor feedback. The researchers hypothesize that throughout the semester, the gender gap in SET will change as students gendered expectations are played out and feedback is given to students (Buser et al. 261). Being the first study to investigate how temporal variation effects SETs, Buser et al. hope that their research will enable institutions to more easily recognize gender differences in SET and create objective methods of addressing such differences, (Buser et al. 261) which could help mitigate possibly harmful implications of gender bias in SET ratings. To administer their study, Buser et al. gathered data from multiple Principles of Economics courses across seven different universities over the course of three semesters. Students were informed on the second day of class that they had the opportunity to participate in a study, and that if 80% or more of the class participated, they would receive two bonus points on their next exam. (Buser et al.) The final sample size INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 47 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review consisted of 899 students who were surveyed at three different points during the semester: at the beginning of the semester, after they received their first exam grade, and at the end of the semester. The survey tool that the students participating in this study completed consisted of rating professors with a scale of agreement, or Likert scale, on various statements such as recommend professor. Using the data from these surveys, Buser et al. were able examine how professors ratings varied according to gender over a period of time. Researchers found that at the beginning of the semester female professors had significantly lower ratings than male professors. The same results were found after the first exam was returned to students; female professors were receiving lower ratings than their male peers. By the end of the semester, female professors had almost caught up with male professors, who are still ahead, but not by a statistically significant amount. The researchers theory about why women were rated poorly during the semester but caught up by the end is that female professors notice dissatisfied students during the semester, and work harder to make sure students are pleased by the end of the semester. The reason behind students being dissatisfied with female instructors during the body of the semester may have something to do with gender expectations. When students responses are examined individually by gender, the pattern that emerges consists of female and male instructors being given similar ratings at the beginning of the semester and at the end of the semester by male students, and for female students, female professors are given drastically lower ratings at the beginning and middle of the semester, and similar ones to men at the end. After the first test has been graded, for male students, female professors ratings drop, suggesting that male students respond negatively to feedback from female 48 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 professors (Buser et al. 263). This is also supported by the information generated by the regression chart made by Buser et al., which showed that after the second survey was given female instructors were rated lower, indicating a negative effect on female instructors ratings correlating with returning grades. Buser et al. encourage future researchers to continue investigating the subject of SET surveys and their possibility for biases. The researchers suggest considering whether female and male students rate professors differently and researching whether other characteristics such as race and age effect student ratings. These four articles demonstrate that researchers are concerned with the effects of bias on the careers of women in academia. Most of the articles demonstrate that there is gender bias in the system of student evaluations, but some suggest further research to confirm those findings. The wide range of dates over which these studies take place (1997-2019) shows that this idea has been in conversation in the academic community for quite some time. One factor that most of these studies have in common is size. The majority of these studies have relatively small sample sizes or sample only very specific groups of people. This makes the studies less easily generalizable. To update and broaden our knowledge of biases in student evaluations, research should continue on this subject, paying special attention to trying to increase the sample size and broaden the participant demographic. Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review WORKS CITED Baker, Phyllis and Martha Copp. Gender Matters Most: The Interaction of Gendered Expectations, Feminist Course Content, and Pregnancy in Student Course Evaluations. Teaching Sociology, vol. 25, no. 1, 1997, pp. 29-43. Buser, Whitney et al. Gender Bias and Temporal Effects in Standard Evaluations of Teaching. AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 109, 2019, pp. 261-265. Macnell, Lillian et al. Whats in a Name: Exposing Gender Bias in Student Ratings of Teaching. Innovative Higher Education, vol. 40, no. 4, 2015, pp. 291-303. Riniolo, Todd et al. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? The Journal of General Psychology, vol. 133, no. 1, 2006, pp. 19-35. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 49  ...

... Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review Biases in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Literature Review H e id i Z m ic k B iases are found in almost everywhere in society. This literature review investigates whether bias, especially related to gender, is present in student evaluations of professors. The studies reviewed were published over a span of about 20 years (19972019), leading to one of the studies being less applicable due to age. There is also some range within topics addressed in these articles. One addresses attractiveness bias more than it does gender bias, and another addresses gender bias within the realm of economics courses. But despite a range in topics, all of the articles discussed address biases in student evaluations. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? is a study that was performed by Todd Riniolo, Katherine Johnson, Tracy Sherman, and Julie Misso. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether college professors perceived as physically attractive received higher student evaluations compared with colleagues that were perceived as nonattractive (Riniolo et al.19). To investigate this, the researchers performed an article review surveying previous research relating to their topic, after which the researchers gathered data in a naturalistic style study. The researchers then reviewed and analyzed the data they collected, which ultimately supported their prediction of what the result would be. At the beginning of the article, before introducing their own research, Riniolo et al. reviewed several articles relating to qualities that professors possess that influence student evaluation. The first few articles reviewed demonstrate that in various situations people perceived as more attractive received better outcomes than their less-attractive peers. The authors went on to discuss four studies that they identified as having comparable research questions to their own. Three of the four studies found that perceived attractiveness of professors does affect the ratings they are given when students evaluate them. A limitation that is consistent across the studies is the small samples sizes utilized. This limitation makes the information gleaned from these studies less generalizable. After finishing their literature review, Riniolo et al. present their studys purpose and methodology. The studys purpose is twofold; first, to investigate the researchers hypothesis: that professors perceived as physically attractive would receive higher evaluations compared with colleagues perceived as nonattractive (Riniolo et al. 23), and second, to add to the limited literature (Riniolo et al. 23) on the topics of perceived attractiveness and student evaluation. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? was INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 43 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review a naturalistic study, which means that the researchers used only observation to obtain information from study participants and that the study participants were not aware of their participation in the study. The naturalistic data in this study came from a website called www.ratemyprofessors.com. This website is a place where students can anonymously write reviews of their professors that other people on the site will be able to see. An optional feature of this website, that is not calculated into the overall rating of the professor being reviewed, is the hotness rating. This hotness rating is what interested the researchers who wrote. This hotness rating feature allowed Riniolo et al. to create both experimental and control groups, the experimental group being professors rated high on an attractiveness scale, and control group being professors rated lower on an attractiveness scale. To create these groups, the researchers divided the professors into two groups, attractive and non-attractive; they then matched experimental professors to their control counterparts. For example, they made sure there were the same ratios of men to women in both control and experimental groups. After forming the control and experimental groups based on attractiveness, researchers turned to student ratings of the professors teaching. This revealed that professors perceived as physically attractive received higher ratings on average than their less attractive peers. To further investigate the significance of the difference between ratings of attractive and non-attractive professors, researchers converted the results into points on a five point Likert scale not unlike the ones used by www.ratemyprofessors.com. What they found is that the difference between attractive and non-attractive professors translated to a 0.8 of a point difference on the five-point Likert scale. Another significant finding of this study is 44 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 related to the range of ratings that attractive versus non-attractive professors received. The study found that non-attractive professors received the full range of ratings, from very high to very low, whereas professors received as attractive rarely dropped below and three out of five (Riniolo et al. 31) Near the end of the article, Riniolo et al. discussed how gender related to perceived attractiveness and ratings. The researchers said that they did not find any evidence of gender differences because both male and female professors perceived as attractive received relatively equivalent ratings (Riniolo et al. 31) It does not appear, however, that the researchers examined the unattractive males versus females, or males versus females averaged. In addition to this seeming lack of thought put into gender differences, the other shortcomings of the study have to do with the website www.ratemtprofessors.com itself. The website keeps all contributors anonymous and allows for one person to submit multiple ratings of the same person, which could skew statistics. Riniolo et al. end their article by saying that their results should not be viewed in any way as intended to establish a causal link (Riniolo et al. 33), and that the purpose of their study was to add to limited literature on the subject of attractiveness and student evaluations. They then add that future studies should been done to test the findings of this article and to text new hypothesis on the subject. In contrast to the first article, Whats in a Name: Exposing Gender Bias in Student Ratings of Teaching by Lillian MacNell, Adam Driscoll, and Andrea Hunt is an article that examines how perceived gender of professors effects student evaluations of professors, and concludes that gender bias is present in student evaluations. The article opens by giving itself context, explaining that student ratings of professors can greatly influence job pros- pects, and that if student ratings are biased against women, this could have real-world effects on their careers. The researchers then explain why some previous studies did not perceive bias in student evaluations. This is because many previous studies used face-to-face classrooms for research, where it is difficult to differentiate between what student reactions are based on the professors gender, and which ones are based of teaching style. Therefore, to remove some of the variables making it difficult to isolate gender in the face-to-face classroom, an online class was used by this study, because it was easy to falsify the instructors gender for research purposes. To give the background information important to understanding their research, Macnell et al. present the sociological definition of gender and explain the automatic credibility that Western culture affords men. According to Macnell et al. gender is a socially constructed category built around cultural expectations of male and female appropriate behavior (293). To examine gender bias in student rating, the idea of automatic credibility of men in Western cultures must be understood. This is an assumed level credibility or competence that we give to men and not women. The literature that Macnell et al. review relates to this idea of male automatic credibility. One study gave students two identical articles to evaluate, one with a mans name and one with a womans name; the students rated the articles with masculine names on the them higher than the ones with feminine names regardless of the fact that the articles were identical. From their literature review Macnell et al. concluded that Overall, women in academia tend to be regarded as less capable and less accomplished than men, regardless of their actual achievements and abilities (294). The researchers have concerns that a man with identical credentials to a woman could be viewed as more qualified than her, and note that this could negatively affect womens careers. Next, Macnell et al. address the gender role expectations that students have for their professors. Students expect male professors to exhibit male behaviors or effectiveness traits and female professors to exhibit female behaviors or interpersonal traits. However, women have an extreme burden because they not only must perform feminine behaviors to fulfill students expectations, they must perform masculine effectiveness traits to advance their careers, which require them to be objective and professional. Men are not held to these double standards, so when students rate men they rate them solely on masculine characteristics (and if they possess interpersonal skills, they get an above average review). Women on the other hand are rated according to gender expectations and careers expectations, which may mean that female instructors...receive lower ratings than males, not because of differences in teaching but for failing to meet gendered expectations, (Macnell et al. 294) making it much harder for women to get an above average review. To investigate student evaluations and gender, the researchers set up an experiment that took place during a summer 5-week class. For the entirety of the class, students discussed subject matter in online discussion boards, each of which had a moderator. Two of the groups were moderated by the professor teaching the class, and four other groups were moderated by two teaching assistant, one female one male. For one of each of the assistants groups they used their own identity, and for the other they used the identity of the other teaching assistant (switching what gender they were perceived to be). At the end of the five weeks the assistants were evaluated by the students with whom they interacted. Macnell INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 45 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review et al. expected that students would rate the instructors they believed to be male more highly that ones they believed to be female, regardless of the instructors actual gender, (295) the results supported this idea. The results of this study reveal that the researchers expectation was partly true. The results of the surveys indicate that there is a significant difference in how students rated the perceived male and female instructors, but not the actual male and female instructors, (Macnell et al. 298) meaning that when students perceived their instructor to be male, they rated the instructor higher than if then perceived the instructor to be female. For example, when the professor was perceived to be male, when the instructor posted grades after two days, students rated the instructor to be 4.35 out of 5 promptness, but when a perceived female instructor graded items in the same amount of time, the instructor only received 3.55 out of 5. These findings support the theory that male professors are given automatic credibility in the classroom. After stating their findings, Macnell et al. argue that the bias revealed in this experiment is also present in face-to-face classrooms, but it has not been detected in previous studies because it difficult to separate from teaching practices. Macnell et al. also recognize the limitations of this study saying that a single case study cannot establish a broad pattern, (301) and that in this research they have only scratched the surface of possible discoveries regarding gender bias in the classroom. After addressing the limitations of their study, Macnell et al. urge that gender bias in the system of student evaluations be addressed, because it is unfairly negatively effecting women. Gender Matters Most: The Interaction of Gendered Expectations, Feminist Course Content, and Pregnancy in Student Course Evaluations an article that was published in 1997 by Phyllis Baker 46 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 and Martha Copp, strongly agrees with the article by Macnell et al., both articles explaining the double standards that are put on women to be both professors and fulfill gender roles. These contradictory expectations may make it difficult for women to receive above average student evaluations. Baker and Copp explored this idea in their article by analyzing the complexities of students gendered expectations by considering what happens when a woman...teaches a course with controversial (feminist) content and then becomes pregnant (29). They theorized that when students gender expectations were met, the professor would receive higher ratings. This research has limited generalization because of its age. Comments found in the article that reveal how old is it include the multiple occasions that Baker and Copp discuss feminism being unpopular and students denying the existence of gender inequality. For example, Baker and Copp explain that teaching feminist content could illicit negative sanctions by students. In their investigation of how feminist course content, gender, and pregnancy effect course ratings, Baker and Copp turned to the University of Northern Iowa. They collected data over the course of the three semesters: Spring, Summer, and Fall 1992. These were all introductory courses taught by the professor the researchers were using to study (Dr. Baker). During this time Dr. Baker got pregnant and had a baby. It is important to note that during the Fall and Spring semesters Dr. Baker was teaching large lecture-style classes with little personal interaction, whereas in the summer, she taught a small discussion-based class. To gather information, the researchers used a student evaluation already in use by the school, that was composed of 10 questions on a Likert scale and qualitative questions that were open ended. The qualitative questions were evaluated by Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review the researchers, who read them and sorted them into two groupings, negative and positive. They excluded any answers that they felt were too vague to be sorted. After grouping their data, the researchers found that during the Spring semester (before Dr. Baker was visibly pregnant) she got 40% positive feedback from students, and the positive feedback was rather enthusiastic. She had 21% negative feedback, but it was not extremely negative. During the Summer, when she had a small, intimate class and was visibly pregnant, she got 90% positive feedback that was very enthusiastic, and very little negative feedback. During the following Fall semester, and her third trimester of pregnancy, she received only 33% positive feedback and 44% negative. In addition, she got hateful negative comments and the positive ones lacked enthusiasm (according to Baker and Copp). The researchers say that this is because she was unable to preform female gender expectations as well in the lecture environment, but also because she was visibly pregnant and the students had negative assumptions about how pregnancy affects mood. At the end of the article, Baker and Copp encourage students to open their minds to new ideas about gender and female professors. They also suggest that committees reviewing professors feedback take into account that students are biased and that the evaluations they give are not perfect measurements of teacher effectiveness. They finish by calling for further research of the subject of gender bias in student evaluation. Gender Bias and Temporal Effects in Standard Evaluations of Teaching by Whitney Buser, Jill Hayter, and Emily Marshall is a survey type study, conducted in 2019, that investigated the Standard Evaluations of Teaching (SET) survey which is used at many universities to evaluate professors effectiveness. Research cited in the articles literature review shows that the SET has flaws, including showing that on average, female instructors receive significantly lower evaluations that male instructors (Buser et al. 261). The literature review continued in the same vein, mentioning a study that concluded that on average, male students gave male professors higher ratings than female professors, and that male students gave their male professors higher ratings then female students gave either their male or female professors (Buser et al. 261). The implications of gender-related flaws with SET, as concluded by Buser et al., are extensive regarding hiring, tenure, and promotion. This is because SET is often used as a tool to determine instructor effectiveness when professors are being considered for a promotion or other job advancement. Buser et al. seek to research the existence of gender differences in SET, and if present, how these differences are affected by time as well as instructor feedback. The researchers hypothesize that throughout the semester, the gender gap in SET will change as students gendered expectations are played out and feedback is given to students (Buser et al. 261). Being the first study to investigate how temporal variation effects SETs, Buser et al. hope that their research will enable institutions to more easily recognize gender differences in SET and create objective methods of addressing such differences, (Buser et al. 261) which could help mitigate possibly harmful implications of gender bias in SET ratings. To administer their study, Buser et al. gathered data from multiple Principles of Economics courses across seven different universities over the course of three semesters. Students were informed on the second day of class that they had the opportunity to participate in a study, and that if 80% or more of the class participated, they would receive two bonus points on their next exam. (Buser et al.) The final sample size INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 47 Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review consisted of 899 students who were surveyed at three different points during the semester: at the beginning of the semester, after they received their first exam grade, and at the end of the semester. The survey tool that the students participating in this study completed consisted of rating professors with a scale of agreement, or Likert scale, on various statements such as recommend professor. Using the data from these surveys, Buser et al. were able examine how professors ratings varied according to gender over a period of time. Researchers found that at the beginning of the semester female professors had significantly lower ratings than male professors. The same results were found after the first exam was returned to students; female professors were receiving lower ratings than their male peers. By the end of the semester, female professors had almost caught up with male professors, who are still ahead, but not by a statistically significant amount. The researchers theory about why women were rated poorly during the semester but caught up by the end is that female professors notice dissatisfied students during the semester, and work harder to make sure students are pleased by the end of the semester. The reason behind students being dissatisfied with female instructors during the body of the semester may have something to do with gender expectations. When students responses are examined individually by gender, the pattern that emerges consists of female and male instructors being given similar ratings at the beginning of the semester and at the end of the semester by male students, and for female students, female professors are given drastically lower ratings at the beginning and middle of the semester, and similar ones to men at the end. After the first test has been graded, for male students, female professors ratings drop, suggesting that male students respond negatively to feedback from female 48 INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 professors (Buser et al. 263). This is also supported by the information generated by the regression chart made by Buser et al., which showed that after the second survey was given female instructors were rated lower, indicating a negative effect on female instructors ratings correlating with returning grades. Buser et al. encourage future researchers to continue investigating the subject of SET surveys and their possibility for biases. The researchers suggest considering whether female and male students rate professors differently and researching whether other characteristics such as race and age effect student ratings. These four articles demonstrate that researchers are concerned with the effects of bias on the careers of women in academia. Most of the articles demonstrate that there is gender bias in the system of student evaluations, but some suggest further research to confirm those findings. The wide range of dates over which these studies take place (1997-2019) shows that this idea has been in conversation in the academic community for quite some time. One factor that most of these studies have in common is size. The majority of these studies have relatively small sample sizes or sample only very specific groups of people. This makes the studies less easily generalizable. To update and broaden our knowledge of biases in student evaluations, research should continue on this subject, paying special attention to trying to increase the sample size and broaden the participant demographic. Bia ses in Student Evaluations of Professors: A Liter ature Review WORKS CITED Baker, Phyllis and Martha Copp. Gender Matters Most: The Interaction of Gendered Expectations, Feminist Course Content, and Pregnancy in Student Course Evaluations. Teaching Sociology, vol. 25, no. 1, 1997, pp. 29-43. Buser, Whitney et al. Gender Bias and Temporal Effects in Standard Evaluations of Teaching. AEA Papers and Proceedings, vol. 109, 2019, pp. 261-265. Macnell, Lillian et al. Whats in a Name: Exposing Gender Bias in Student Ratings of Teaching. Innovative Higher Education, vol. 40, no. 4, 2015, pp. 291-303. Riniolo, Todd et al. Hot or Not: Do Professors Perceived as Physically Attractive Receive Higher Student Evaluations? The Journal of General Psychology, vol. 133, no. 1, 2006, pp. 19-35. INSIGHTS, SPRING 2020 49  ...